Archive for the ‘Frauen’ Category

Mexiko: Der stille Femizid

Samstag, Januar 28th, 2012

“The Drug War’s Invisible Victims

By Laura Carlsen, January 27, 2012

Laura CarlsenThere are many kinds of war. The classic image of a uniformed soldier kissing mom good-bye to risk his life on the battlefield has changed dramatically. In today’s wars, it’s more likely that mom will be the one killed.

UNIFEM states that by the mid-1990s, 90% of war casualties were civilians– mostly women and children.

Mexico’s drug war is a good example of the new wars on civilian populations that blur the lines between combatants and place entire societies in the line of fire. Of the more than 50,000 people killed in drug war-related violence, the vast majority are civilians. President Felipe Calderón claims that 90% of the victims were linked to drug cartels. But how does he know? In a country where only 2% of crimes are investigated, tried, and sentenced, the government pulled this figure out of its sleeve.

There is no official information on why these thousands were killed. When their bodies are found in unmarked mass graves, no one even knows who they were. With violence the norm, executions can—and do–target grassroots leaders, human rights defenders, indigenous peoples, and rebellious youth under the cloak of the drug war.

Not Just Homicide

There are also war tolls beyond the body counts. The homicide number misses the disappeared, the thousands whose bodies–dead or alive–are never found to be counted. And it hides the mutilation of lives caused by “collateral damage”: the loss of loved ones, families forced from their homes, permanent injury, orphans and widows, sexual abuse, lives lived in fear.

These costs fall primarily on the shoulders of women–the mothers, daughters, and sisters who are left with the nearly impossible task of seeking answers and redress in a justice system outpaced by the violence and overrun by the corruption. They are often re-victimized by government agencies that ignore, reject, or stifle their pleas for justice.

“Families that demand that our children be found face all kinds of threats… the loss of our property, isolation, rejection by our own families,” said Araceli Rodríguez, a mother whose son, a young policeman, was disappeared on the job. His police unit refuses to give information on his disappearance.  “I wake up and find that it’s not a nightmare, that his absense is real and the impunity is also real.”

It’s rare to hear the voices of the women who bear the brunt of the drug war. Their pain doesn’t make headlines. Some need anonymity to remain alive. Many have been granted protective measures by the government or international human rights organizations because of the extreme threats they face.

Telling Stories

Despite all these difficulties, some 70 women told their stories amid tears and despite fear for their lives in Mexico City on January 22. The meeting called by the Nobel Women’s Initiative brought an international delegation led by Nobel Peace Prize winner Jody Williams together with Mexican women victims of the violence and women human rights defenders.

From the sketchy statistics available, women make up a relatively small proportion of the murdered in Mexico, but they are the majority of citizens who denounce disappearances, murders, and human rights violations in the drug war. They work on the front lines of defending communities and human rights. For their efforts, they become targets themselves. In Mexico, six prominent women human rights defenders have been murdered in the past two years.

The last report by the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders recognized that threats and especially “explicit death threats against women human rights defenders are one of the main forms of violence in the region, with more than half coming from Latin America, most of those (27) from Mexico.”

Sometimes it’s the drug cartels that seek to silence women activists. But a recent survey  of Mexican women human rights defenders revealed that they cite the government (national, state, and local) and its security forces as responsible in 55% of cases of violence and threats of violence to women defenders. Among government officials charged with public saftey and justice, they encounter at best indifference and at worst death threats and attacks. A human rights defender from the state of Coahuila explained that searching for a disappeared loved one implies “always having to be in the hell of the institutions, which are often infiltrated by crime.”

Gender-based violence including femicide has skyrocketed in the context of the overall violence. The number of femicides in Chihuahua since sending the army in has risen to 837 for the period 2008-2011 June—nearly double the total femicides in 1993-2007. Women rights defenders report that the vast majority of threats and acts of violence against them include gender-based violence.

Silent No More

Olga Esparza, whose daughter Monica disappeared in Ciudad Juarez in 2009, explains through her tears that the government simply doesn’t care. “We’re the ones who have to carry out the investigations, with our own resources.” She adds that government officials often add insult to injury, “They say she’s probably just gone off with her boyfriend or she’s a prostitute or drug addict.” In her case, as with so many others, there’s no investigation, no results, no justice.

Another woman described how her work with indigenous communities led to her rape and torture by police agents. She continues to live in terror due to threats against her life and her family.

Alma Gomez of the Center for the Human Rights of Women in Chihuahua summed up what she sees in the center, “Women are the invisible victims, we are always at risk in this military and police occupation. We know of gang rapes by security forces that the women don’t even report; arbitary arrests; women who make the rounds between army barracks and city morgues searching for their sons, fathers, or husbands… We are the spoils of war in a war we didn’t ask for and we don’t want.”

“Victim” is really the wrong word for these women. The mother whose son disappeared more than two years ago said, “In the struggle to find my son, I joined the peace movement. I learned that I can transform my pain into a collective force and together we can help more people to have a voice and to now be empowered to defend their rights.”

Valentina Rosendo, a Me’phaa indigenous woman from the State of Guerrero, was raped by soldiers and took her case all the way up to the Interamerican Court of Human Right. She sums up the reason for participating in the Nobel Women’s forum, “It’s really hard to speak out, but it’s more painful to keep quiet.” 

Foreign Policy In Focus columnist Laura Carlsen is director of the Americas Program for the Center for International Policy in Mexico City.
 

(Quelle: FPIF.)

Eritrea / Südsudan: Veränderte der Krieg das Frauenbild?

Mittwoch, Januar 4th, 2012

“Women Without Arms: Gendered Fighter Constructions in Eritrea and Southern Sudan

By Annette Weber, Senior Associate, Middle East/Africa Division, German Institute for International and Security Affairs (SWP), Berlin, Germany

(…) The results reached through my field research in southern Sudan and Eritrea can be summarized as follows:

1. Women have restricted access to power positions during conflict because they are not fully acknowledged as active fighters.

2. Women are able to perform but not transform gendered fighter images. They can act as fighters but not become “real fighters.” As a result they fail to benefit from the fighter-citizen connection created by the masculine fighter image. Even if they turned into fighters during the war, they are forced to turn back into women afterwards and thereby leave the masculine sphere of power.

3. Masculine fighter images are idealized by men and women alike. But for women to become fighters means crossing established gender lines. Fighter ideals are grounded in gendered body images and narratives and practiced through gendered social roles.

4. Women actively participate in the construction of the masculine fighter idea(l) and legitimize the fighters’ use of force and violence.

5. There seems to be no apparent difference between men and women in the use of violence; it is merely the opportunity factor that leads more men to legitimized uses of violence.

6. The armed movement and civilians create a sub-status of supporters of the struggle, which is hardly contested. Thereby the high status of the fighter is manifested whereas the supporters are not fully acknowledged as active participants in the struggle.

While feminist theorists and peace scholars (Alison 2007; Ruddick 1990, 1994; Reardon 1985, Gilligan 1992; Chodorow 1989), masculinity scholars (Theweleit 1993, 284), and war theorists (van Creveld 2001) discuss both inherent and socialized peacefulness of women and war-proneness of men, my research clearly demonstrates that despite socialized gender norms women can play violent roles during conflicts, both in active fighting and in legitimizing violence. The case studies from Eritrea and southern Sudan clearly show that women possess an interest in the use of violence and in becoming active fighters. Yet one of the manifestations of structural violence in gendered fighter images is exclusion (Weber 2007). In many insurgent groups, armed forces, rebel groups, and militias, women are simply not allowed to operate as fighters. And if they do, they are not formally recognized as active combatants and fail to gain high positions in the military hierarchy. This enforced absence from the armed forces themselves by no means excludes women from war and conflict; on the contrary, the home front, support, and supply are continuously tended by women. And civilian casualties are much higher than casualties amongst fighters.

It is also apparent that civilians, despite the hardship they suffer through war – from the enemy but also from the armed groups of their own side – support masculine fighter ideas and ideals and legitimize privileged access to power through fighting positions. This has already been reflected in studies of men and women in Western armies and conflicts (Boulding 1988, 2000; Cooke 1993; D’Amico 1996; Enloe 1983, 2000; Isaksson 1988; Kaplan 1994; Stiehm 1996, Tobias 1990) and is part of the ongoing debate in feminist theory and masculinity studies (Connell 2005; Goldstein 2001; Hooper 2001). The crystallization of gender dichotomies during war and the privilege of hypermasculinity (hegemonic masculinity) is discussed, yet the debate lacks analysis of the knock-on effect of this militarized masculine mindset on post-conflict society.

The significance of this evidence for post-conflict-societies, demobilization, state-building, peace negotiations, and conflict management is widely neglected. Analysis of war and political violence (Kalyvas 2006; Schlichte 2009; Tilly 2003) addresses “exceptional” politics (Agamben 1998, p.145), but forgets that exceptional politics and the use of violence are normal everyday praxis in gender relations.

The discussion generally focuses on the aspect of peaceful women as carers and mothers, rather than reflecting their function in mothering the frontline, legitimizing violence by “their” sons, and keeping quiet about atrocities. Active female fighters are hardly considered at all, and where they are, are mainly depicted as the exception, the travesty (Sjoberg 2007; Sylvester 2011). While there is a growing literature on the role of men as warriors and fighters in southern Sudan (Burton 2007; Deng 1972; Madut Jok 2007;) and autobiographies of military men turned politicians (Akol 2009; Arop 2006; Igga 2008; Nyaba 1997), there are very few reflections on the experience of women during the war (Hutchinson 1996; Turshen 1989) or autobiographical writings by influential female figures in southern Sudan. The experience of women in the war in Eritrea is more visible (Wilson 1991), but rarely reaches beyond biographical anecdotes (Schamaneck 1989) and is rather unreflective of the political exclusion of former female fighters and the potential consequences for post-conflict state-building. It is important to acknowledge the reality of these women in demobilization and reintegration schemes, and their experience and expertise need to be reflected in conflict management and peace negotiations, precisely because it differs from that of mainstream male fighters. Understanding the relational praxis of fighter-civilian interaction, the attribution of meaning and status to fighters and civilians before, during, and after conflict, is relevant for the success of post-conflict demobilization as well as for the shaping of societies and citizenship. Longstanding and protracted conflicts create social practices that carry on as habitual references after the conflict.

The United Nations acknowledges this connection and the necessity for women to become active participants at all levels of conflict resolution and peace negotiations.13 However, analysis of the basis of the fighter construct and the fighter-citizen nexus is lacking, especially in the efforts to implement UN Security Council Resolution 1325. There is also a growing body of literature on African rebel or liberation movements that have become governments (Boas, Dunn 2007; Mampilly 2011; Rolandsen 2007), but a total absence of critical debate about either the broad exclusion of women from fighter status or the existence of female fighters and its repercussion for post-conflict governments.

5. Outlook

Whether gendered fighter images will become an important building block for the grand narrative of the “imagined community” or a mere ridiculized travesty will depends on the political and social transformation from conflict to post-conflict. Especially in cases where the new leadership is unwilling or unable to downsize the armed forces, successfully demobilize and reintegrate former combatants, and subsequently form a national army with a meaningful role, the image of the soldier is degraded. Masses of men with arms but no pay roam the streets – often far away from their families – and become a threat to civilians rather than a force for protection. This scenario is currently quite realistic in the case of South Sudan. The opposite case, mystified over-admiration for everything connected with the fighter, from the assumed spirit of honor and discipline to moderation and endurance, a hierarchical style of leadership, and the foundation of the national identity on an exclusivist fighter experience, is strongly visible in the Eritrean case. Neither the SPLA’s propaganda apparatus, nor its political agenda, nor its community outreach ever reached the level of organization of the EPLF. The SPLA never formulated the need for social transformation in southern Sudan – only a transformation of the political elite in Khartoum. There-fore they did not think it necessary to educate or mobilize the rural and urban population for their struggle. Unlike the EPLF, the SPLA did not engaged in literacy programs for the rural population, nor did they mobilize communities to educate girls and boys alike. The sectors of distribution of public goods, education and health was outsourced to international humanitarian agencies. The fighter image is not constructed in isolation, but is closely linked to the efforts, discourse, and realities surrounding it.

Do women gain anything by actively joining armed struggles? This question has at least two answers. The skills, status, and acknowledgement acquired through active participation in the struggle empower women to perceive themselves as active members of society. The decisive question however remains whether their active involvement, their new skills, their transformed social gender role and praxis are acknowledged by the armed movement and the society at large. If female fighters remain a mere travesty of the construct of a “real” women and the image of the “real” fighter remains a masculine image of a male person transcending beyond the sphere of femininity, the gains for active female fighters in political power, participation, and social transformation are limited. Whereas women in southern Sudan were kept in a subordinated feminine image of support and supply, in Eritrea the fighter image underwent a gender transformation during the struggle, including equal distribution of formerly gendered tasks such as fighting and bringing up children (Pateman 1990; 220).14 The reason why this deep transformatory aspect could not prevail has largely to do with the militarization of society after independence. The retraditionalization of gender roles had a broader support base (the patriarchal non-fighting society as well as many male fighters) that obviously benefitted from the traditional role of women.”

 

(Quelle: International Journal of Conflict and Violence.)

Israel: Menschenrechte bedroht – Bald UN-Intervention?

Dienstag, Dezember 27th, 2011

Ultraorthodoxe im Kampf für Geschlechtertrennung

In der Stadt Beit Schemesch in Israel ist zu Gefechten zwischen ultraorthodoxen Juden und der Polizei gekommen. Laut Polizeiangaben wurden mehrere Personen vorübergehend festgenommen. Die Demonstranten fordern eine Geschlechtertrennung im öffentlichen Leben.

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Die ultraorthodoxen Juden fordern eine Geschlechtertrennung. (Keystone)

Mehrere hundert ultraorthodoxen Juden haben sich in der Stadt Beit Schemesch bei Jerusalem gewaltsame Auseinandersetzungen mit der Polizei geliefert. Die Demonstranten forderten lautstark eine strikte Geschlechtertrennung im öffentlichen Leben.

Ein Beamter wurde nach Polizeiangaben leicht verletzt, mehrere Demonstranten wurden vorübergehend festgenommen. Mehrere Polizisten und Journalisten wurden Augenzeugen zufolge attackiert, Mülltonnen gingen in Flammen auf.

Notruf eines Fernsehsenders
Den Auseinandersetzungen war der Notruf eines Fernsehteams des Senders Channel 10 vorausgegangen, das am Montag in der Stadt gefilmt hatte und sich von einer feindlich gesonnenen Menge umzingelt sah, wie ein Polizeisprecher sagte.

Erst tags zuvor war ein Kamerateam von ultraorthodoxen Juden angegriffen worden als es Schilder filmte, die Frauen aufforderten, nicht vor der Synagoge stehen zu bleiben. Die Polizei verstärkte ihre Patrouillen in Beit Schemesch.

Zu nachgiebig mit Frauenrechten
Der israelische Staat sei zu nachgiebig gegenüber den ultra-orthodoxen Juden, wenn es um die Frauenrechte gehe, sagte Frances Raday, emeritierte Jura-Professorin der Hebräischen Universität Jerusalem.

Die Ultraorthodoxen missachteten das Recht auf Gleichheit von Männern und Frauen und die Frauenrechte, obwohl sie in der israelischen Verfassung festgehalten seien.

Trennung in Buslinien
So hat sich etwa seit Ende der 1980er Jahre in Buslinien, die häufig von Ultraorthodoxen benutzt werden, eine strikte Geschlechtertrennung durchgesetzt, die jedoch in jüngerer Zeit immer wieder von Frauen in Frage gestellt wurde.

In israelischen Medien häuften sich daher Berichte über Aggressionen gegen ultraorthodoxe Frauen, die sich der Rangordnung nicht unterwerfen wollten. (inap, sda/afp)

 

(Quelle: Schweizer Radio DRS.)

BRD: Reeeeechts um!

Montag, Dezember 12th, 2011

‘ “Die Gesellschaft ist vergiftet”

Als Bilanz der zehnjährigen Studie über “Deutsche Zustände” konstatiert der Sozialforscher Wilhelm Heitmeyer eine massive Zunahme von Fremdenfeindlichkeit und Rechtspopulismus

Von Florian Rötzer

11.12.2011

In der über 10 Jahre angelegten Studie über “Deutsche Zustände” des Instituts für interdisziplinäre Konflikt- und Gewaltforschung (IKG [1]) unter Leitung von Wilhelm Heitmeyer wurde immer wieder auf die steigende Fremdenfeindlichkeit oder gruppenbezogene Menschenfeindlichkeit in Deutschland und den Hang zu rechten und nationalistischen Haltungen hingewiesen. Am Montag wird der abschließende 10. Band vorgestellt. Deutlich wurde in der Studie gemacht, dass diese Tendenzen keineswegs in radikalen Minderheiten zu finden sind, sondern dass sie aus der Mitte der Gesellschaft heraus wachsen (siehe auch: Die Verrohung der Mittelschicht[2]).

In den letzten Jahren hat sich dies in der Ablehnung von Einwanderern, aber vor allem in der des Islam und von Muslimen kondensiert. Die Morde der NSU-Bande an deutschen Muslimen haben demonstriert, dass die rechtsextremen und islamfeindlichen Bewegungen hier ein gemeinsames Ziel gefunden haben, das den einst bei den Rechten herrschenden Antisemitismus abgelöst hat. Diese Entwicklungen lassen sich, wie das Institut in anderen Forschungsprojekten eruiert hat, in ganz Europa feststellen.

Als Bilanz der Studie spricht das Institut von einem “entsicherten Jahrzehnt”. Gruppenbezogene Menschenfeindlichkeit, die sich durch Abwertung und Diskriminierung von Muslimen, Einwanderern oder Behinderten, aber auch von Arbeitslosen, Frauen oder Homosexuellen manifestiert, bereitet für die Sozialwissenschaftler den Boden für die Anwendung von Gewalt etwa durch Rechtsextremisten dar. Diese agieren nicht am Rande der Gesellschaft, sondern fühlen sich durch menschenfeindliche Einstellungen in der Bevölkerung legitimiert und befeuert.

Für Wilhelm Heitmeyer haben während der 10 Jahre langen Studie Fremdenfeindlichkeit und Rechtspopulismus in Deutschland zugenommen. “Etwa zehn Prozent der Deutschen denken durch und durch rechts”, so resümiert [3] er nach Spiegel Online das Ergebnis der letzten Befragung. Zwischen 2010 und 2011 hätten sowohl die Rechtfertigung von Gewalt als auch die Gewaltbereitschaft bei Rechtspopulisten um 16 Prozent zugenommen. Misstrauen und Feindseligkeit gegenüber Muslimen seien besonders stark angewachsen. Die Hälfte der Deutschen will nicht in eine Gegend ziehen, in der viele Muslime leben. “Die zunehmende Spaltung zersetzt das Miteinander. Die Gesellschaft ist vergiftet”, so Heitmeyer.

Links

[1] http://www.uni-bielefeld.de/ikg/

[2] http://www.heise.de/tp/artikel/33/33857/1.html

[3] http://www.spiegel.de/spiegel/vorab/0,1518,802902,00.html”

 

(Quelle: Telepolis.)

Siehe auch:

Abschiebeminister 2011 ist Joachim Herman aus Bayern

Europa / Afrika: Die Kontroverse um FGM geht weiter

Donnerstag, Oktober 13th, 2011

“Wie Ethnologie Leiden verhindern kann

Von Lorenz

Die Kontroversen um weibliche “Genitalverstümmelung” eignen sich hervorragend, um ethnologische Einsichten an die breite Bevölkerung zu vermitteln, meint Janne Mende.

Über ihr soeben erschienenes Buch Begründungsmuster weiblicher Genitalverstümmelung. Zur Vermittlung von Kulturrelativismus und Universalismus habe ich mich mit ihr kurz via email unterhalten.

Was hoffen Sie, wird den Lesern bei der Lektüre des Buches durch den Kopf gehen?

– Ich diskutiere in meinem Buch die für Ethnologen und Ethnologinnen zentrale Frage nach dem Umgang mit kulturellen Vorstellungen, die einem Verständnis von Menschenrechten entgegenstehen, das das Glück der Einzelnen hervorhebt. Mir geht es um einen Weg jenseits von einem bedingungslosen Kulturrelativismus, der alles, was als ‘anders’ erscheint, akzeptiert, und jenseits von einem unreflektierten Universalismus, der ohne Kontextbezug und unvermittelt Menschenrechtsideen postuliert.

– Statt in eine dichotome Fragestellung zu verfallen, die nur eine der beiden Seiten als Ausweg kennt, sollen sie als je schon vermitteltes Verhältnis erkannt werden. Dann ist es möglich, repressive von emanzipatorischen Aspekten auf beiden Seiten zu unterscheiden und letztere zu stärken.

Wie vermitteln Sie Einsichten unseres Faches am Beispiel weiblicher Genitalverstümmelung (oder Genitalverstümmelung wie es andere benennen) ?

– Der Umgang mit der Praxis der weiblichen Genitalverstümmelung / Genitalbeschneidung ist ein höchst kontroverses Thema. Das zeigt sich bereits bei der Schwierigkeit der Benennung. Gerade an den Diskussionen um diese Praxis lässt sich das vermittelte Verhältnis von Kulturrelativismus und Universalismus sehr eindringlich herausarbeiten: Weder haben Abschaffungsbemühungen Erfolg, die ohne Rücksicht auf lokale Gegebenheiten vorgehen, noch kann das sehr reelle und dokumentierte Leiden von Mädchen und Frauen ausgeblendet werden.

– Die Notwendigkeit von Kontextualisierungen verdeutlicht sich ebenso wie die Notwendigkeit von einem Maßstab für Kritik, der betroffenen Frauen die Möglichkeit in die Hand gibt, sich gegen repressive Strukturen einzusetzen.

Wie kommen Sie zum Schluss, weibliche Genitalbeschneidung / Genitalverstümmelung müsse abgelehnt werden?

– Ich arbeite anhand zahlreicher Beispiele sieben verschiedene Begründungsmuster für die Praxis heraus. Obwohl sie sich in politischer, sozialer, ökonomischer und psychosozialer Hinsicht stark voneinander unterscheiden können, ist ihnen das Merkmal gemeinsam, dass sie der Herstellung und Anerkennung (kollektiver) Identität dienen. Zu dieser gibt es kaum gangbare Alternativen. Wollen Frauen und Mädchen innerhalb der gegebenen Gesellschaft handlungsfähig bleiben, müssen sie sich dem Eingriff unterziehen.

– Wenn die Praxis nun als Ergebnis freier, autonomer Wahl bezeichnet wird, so wird diese grundlegende Alternativlosigkeit völlig ignoriert. Ein relativierendes Anerkennen der Praxis greift zu kurz und ignoriert das Leiden, das mit dem Eingriff einhergeht.

– Aber auch der ausschließliche Fokus auf eine Abschaffung der Praxis ist unzureichend: Einerseits lässt sich die Praxis kaum aus dem Geflecht von Sinnzusammenhängen herauslösen. Andererseits würden weitergehende repressive soziale Mechanismen und (Geschlechter-) Ungleichheiten bestehen bleiben.

– Da keine Kultur oder Gesellschaft homogen oder statisch ist, stellt sich die Frage, wer und mit welchem Interesse einen Brauch als unentbehrlich bezeichnet. Handlungsalternativen eröffnen sich erst dann, wenn Interessen, Verhaltensweisen und der Zugang zu Ressourcen nicht mehr eng an das Geschlecht, an die Religion oder an das Aussehen der Geschlechtsorgane geknüpft werden. So lang eine wirkliche Entscheidungsfreiheit ohne sozialen, politischen, religiösen oder ökonomischen Druck nicht existiert, darf das Leiden von Mädchen und Frauen an den körperlichen, sexuellen und psychosozialen Folgen der Praxis nicht ignoriert oder den Interessen des Kollektivs untergeordnet werden.

Wie sollen sich Behörden dem Problem gegenüber konkret verhalten? 

– Patentrezepte eignen sich angesichts der komplexen Problematik nur bedingt. Grundsätzlich lässt sich beobachten, dass eine rechtliche Grundlage hilfreich ist, die nicht nur das Engagement gegen Exzision unterstützt, sondern die Frauen und Mädchen in allen Bereichen gleichberechtigten Zugang zu Bildung, zu Eigentum, zum Arbeitsmarkt usw. ermöglicht, sowie eine Zivilgesetzgebung, die beispielsweise Frauen im Scheidungsfall nicht mittellos lässt.

– Es haben sich vor allem diejenigen Herangehensweisen als erfolgreich erwiesen, die mit den betreffenden Frauen und Männern vor Ort gemeinsam Handlungsstrategien entwickeln. Mit einer kultursensiblen Analyse können Hintergründe und Begründungsmuster der Praxis offengelegt werden. So können vor dem universellen Hintergrund der Verringerung von Leiden angemessene Abschaffungsbemühungen entwickelt werden.

Ethnologin Fuambai Ahmadu kritisiert westliche Kampagnen gegen Genitalbeschneidung. Wie interessant finden Sie Ahmadus Argumente?  

– Mit Ahmadu setze ich mich im Buch ausführlich auseinander. Sie bezeichnet ihre eigene Exzision, über deren genauen Ablauf sie vor dem Eingriff informiert wurde, als Möglichkeit, sich zwischen der westlichen Welt und der Welt in Sierra Leone frei bewegen zu können. Sie reflektiert jedoch nicht, dass den Mädchen und Frauen in Sierra Leone genau diese Möglichkeit nicht offen steht. Nicht nur wird dort durch das strikte Schweigegebot ein fundiertes Wissen über die Praxis im Vorfeld verhindert. Zudem legt die Exzision die Frauen auf einen genau abgegrenzten Handlungsspielraum fest. Abweichungen riskieren die Strafe des Verstoßenwerdens.

– Ahmadu untergräbt somit ihren eigenen Anspruch auf eine kontextsensible Vorgehensweise, wenn sie strukturelle Bedeutungs- und Herrschaftsebenen ausblendet. Die Initiation markiert den Eintritt in den Geheimbund der Frauen, Bundo-, Bundu- oder Sande-Gesellschaft genannt. Wenn ein Mädchen sich der Praxis nicht unterzieht und damit nicht in den Bund aufgenommen wird, ist sie in der Gesellschaft praktisch nicht handlungsfähig. Ihr wird der Zugang zu Besitz abgesprochen, ebenso wie ihre Heiratsfähigkeit oder ihre Fähigkeit, Kinder zu gebären. Die Exzision soll sie zu einer Frau machen, und zwar (wie von Ahmadu ausdrücklich betont wird) zu einer heterosexuellen Frau in einer geschlechterdualistisch organisierten Gesellschaft.

– Sie schreiben in der E-Mail zu mir, Sie möchten ethnologische Einsichten einem breiteren Publikum zugänglich machen. Doch schon auf den ersten Seiten des Buches schlagen Sie zu Worten wie “hypostasieren” und “Präsuppositionen” etc. Ein Widerspruch?

– Fachbegriffe und Fremdwörter schließen ein breiteres Verstehen nicht notwendigerweise aus. Das Buch ist in einer nachvollziehbaren Sprache verfasst, die ihre Leser und Leserinnen nicht unterschätzt. Der sozialwissenschaftliche Anspruch wird so weder untergraben noch esoterisch auf ein kleines, ausgewähltes Publikum beschränkt.

Ihr Buch in einem Satz?

– Es geht nicht um das Recht eines Ansatzes, sei es Kulturrelativismus oder Universalismus, sondern es geht um die kontextbezogene, nicht-repressive, aber dennoch unhintergehbare Verminderung von Leiden.

Letzte Worte an die Lesenden an den Bildschirmen?

– Um ein Vermittlungsverhältnis zwischen zwei scheinbar dichotom sich gegenüberstehenden Momenten herauszuarbeiten, bedarf es der Arbeit am Begriff, einer steten Reflexion, die sich nicht mit dem einmal Erreichten begnügt, und der Kraft, „weder von der Macht der anderen, noch von der eigenen Ohnmacht sich dumm machen zu lassen.“ (Adorno)

>> mehr Information beim Transkript-Verlag, wo man auch die Einleitung (pdf) lesen kann

SIEHE AUCH:

Journal Ethnologie 3/2007 über weibliche Genitalbeschneidung in Afrika

Yes to female circumcision? Anthropologist Fuambai Ahmadu attacks Western feminists

Circumcision: "Harmful practice claim has been exaggerated" – AAA meeting part IV

Maxikulti: Ethnologen, raus aus der Kulturfalle!

Do anthropologists have anything relevant to say about human rights?

Ethnologe Christoph Antweiler: Wie universell sind die Menschenrechte?

Humanismus + Kosmopolitismus + Anthropologie = humane Weltkultur?

Why anthropology fails to arouse interest among the public – Engaging Anthropology (2)

 

(Quelle: antropologi.info)

Indonesien: Frauenprotest gegen sexistisches Gefasel

Samstag, Oktober 8th, 2011

“Indonesian feminists: “Don’t blame the victim!”

By Vivi Widyawati and Zely Ariane

Around 100 women and men took part in a rally, Miniskirt Protest — Women against Rape, at the Bundaran Hotel Indonesia in Thamrin, Jakarta, on Sunday, September 18. Dozens of women, including several activists from Perempuan Mahardhika (Free Women), wore miniskirts, as a statement that rape has nothing to do with the way women dress.

The demonstration was a protest against the words of Jakarta Governor Fauzi Bowo (nicknamed Foke) regarding a young female student, Livia, who was raped and killed on public transport. He said: “Imagine if someone sits on board a mikrolet (minivan) wearing a miniskirt; you would get a bit turned on”. Women, he said, “must adjust to their environment so that they don’t provoke people into committing unwanted acts”.


Vivi Widyawati leading chants, September 18.

A call for action by dozens of activists under the banner of Women’s Alliance against Rape was able to gather women from various backgrounds for the demonstration. The protesters shouted and chanted, brandishing posters with slogans such as “Don’t tell us how to dress, but tell them not to rape” and “My miniskirt, my right, Foke you”, "My miniskirt is not wrong, but your mind is”.

The alliance issued a statement saying, among other things; “Rape is a sexual attack on a citizen, a woman. Rape is never wanted by any woman, no matter the socioeconomic background. Victims of rape need solidarity from the whole of society as well as physical aid and care. The statements of incapable public servants have been providing no support, but rather humiliating and dumping the burden on the victims.”

In addition, they demanded that law enforcement protect the victims and that officials take all cases of rape seriously. Local governments should ensure the safety of public transportation and public space and improve the transportation system in the capital.

National Commission response

Three cases of rape on public transport had been reported during a single week before the protest. The National Commission on Violence against Woman (KOMNASPER) has recorded 3753 rapes in 2011, while the Jakarta police have received 41 complaints so far, compared to 40 for all of 2010. KOMNASPER has also received 105,103 complaints of violence against women. In response to the protest, the commission on September 23 outlined recommendations that ranged from improving security for women on public transportation to harsher punishment for sexual assault under the Criminal Code.

The head of the public participation section at the commission, Andy Yentriyani, said the legal system did not provide sufficient protection for women against sexual assault. The law “is insufficient, because sexual assault is categorised as social misconduct”, she said. "In one clause, [the penalty] can be 12 years. In another, it can be two years, eight months. For children, it is classified only as abuse, which reduces the seriousness."


It is men’s behavior and misogynist culture that is the problem.

Sexual assault is not a specific crime under Indonesian law, and is treated only as an "unpleasant act", with an accordingly mild law enforcement response. KOMNASPER hopes its initiative will help fix this with new legislation.

KOMNASPER’s data show that from 1998 to 2010, a quarter of the total of 295,836 cases of violence against women involved sexual assault. These are only the reported cases; many more are probably left unreported. Every day, 28 women are sexually assaulted in Indonesia, the agency said. “The solution is not to allocate special women-only spaces, such as on trains — which has been done already — because there is no guarantee that segregation will prevent assaults", Andy said.

She also voiced concern that if a woman was assaulted while travelling in a mixed space, she could be accused of looking for trouble. “It also feeds into the idea that men can’t control themselves”, she said. “That assumption is just as bad as the assumption that women’s actions or dress are the cause of violence against them.”

Class and gender

Fauzi Bowo’s statement followed similar remarks by other public officials in different parts of the country, including one by a local administrative head in West Aceh who stated that women who did not dress according to religious norms could only blame themselves if they were raped. These statements sparked outrage among activists because they are nothing but misogynist accusations against the victims and a form of verbal violence against women. They are the product of a way of thinking rooted in patriarchy.

In Atas Nama (On Behalf Of), a documentary movie made by KOMNASPER, one woman from Aceh — wearing a scarf herself — put it well: “In general I don’t think any woman likes to be told how to dress”. This is the basic idea of the miniskirt protest: women have the right to their own body, to express themselves and feel good, free from prejudice, stereotyping, discrimination and violence. This is a foundation of women’s liberation.


Don’t blame the victim.

Several far left activists (mostly men) in Jakarta felt uneasy with the statement or the form of the protest, which they considered to be advocating the wearing of miniskirts. Objections were made that the protest “too liberal”, “had insufficient class content” and might provoke “antipathy from the majority of women who are still conservative — the ones feminist activists should try to reach”. Some even went as far as suggesting that the choice was “class struggle or sex struggle”. Still, these comments were better than the major parts of the far left that didn’t say anything at all. The campaign was supported by only a handful of male left activists.

This lack of attention is not very surprising since there have been very few left movements and organisations that take up issues of sexuality and gender. Most of the left groups in Indonesia subordinate the issue of women’s oppression to so-called class issues, which are defined as the purely economic side of class oppression, such as wages and poverty. That is why, so far, they are still unfamiliar with issues such as a woman’s right to her body, sexuality, sexual orientation and so forth. Our experience building the socialist-feminist women’s group Perempuan Mahardhika confirms this view.

We should fight against class oppression, patriarchy and sexism, since in class-based societies patriarchy and sexism play an important role in the reproduction of the social system. There will be no socialism without women’s liberation, and there is no true class consciousness without considering and understanding the very complex nature of patriarchy and sexuality and their relation to class. If the September 18 protest was considered as merely liberal, that would mean we have even more responsibility to intervene in the campaign so that its demands will not be ends in themselves — not merely the freedom of each individual but rather the freedom of each individual as the foundation for the freedom of all.

The fact that many Indonesian women, religious or not, agree with the demands and slogans of the protest, particularly on the fact that rape has nothing to do with dress, is encouraging amidst difficult and worsening political circumstances, including 154 sharia laws and a growing intolerance fuelled by several reactionary religious groups.

We are happy to have taken part in this campaign — and also happy to wear miniskirts, because most of the time we are defensive and forget to challenge the minds of men.

[The writers are members of the national committee of Perempuan Mahardhika (Free Women) and members of People’s Liberation Party, Indonesia.]“

 

(Quelle: Direct Action.)