Archive for the ‘Sexualisierte Gewalt’ Category

Mexiko: Der stille Femizid

Samstag, Januar 28th, 2012

“The Drug War’s Invisible Victims

By Laura Carlsen, January 27, 2012

Laura CarlsenThere are many kinds of war. The classic image of a uniformed soldier kissing mom good-bye to risk his life on the battlefield has changed dramatically. In today’s wars, it’s more likely that mom will be the one killed.

UNIFEM states that by the mid-1990s, 90% of war casualties were civilians– mostly women and children.

Mexico’s drug war is a good example of the new wars on civilian populations that blur the lines between combatants and place entire societies in the line of fire. Of the more than 50,000 people killed in drug war-related violence, the vast majority are civilians. President Felipe Calderón claims that 90% of the victims were linked to drug cartels. But how does he know? In a country where only 2% of crimes are investigated, tried, and sentenced, the government pulled this figure out of its sleeve.

There is no official information on why these thousands were killed. When their bodies are found in unmarked mass graves, no one even knows who they were. With violence the norm, executions can—and do–target grassroots leaders, human rights defenders, indigenous peoples, and rebellious youth under the cloak of the drug war.

Not Just Homicide

There are also war tolls beyond the body counts. The homicide number misses the disappeared, the thousands whose bodies–dead or alive–are never found to be counted. And it hides the mutilation of lives caused by “collateral damage”: the loss of loved ones, families forced from their homes, permanent injury, orphans and widows, sexual abuse, lives lived in fear.

These costs fall primarily on the shoulders of women–the mothers, daughters, and sisters who are left with the nearly impossible task of seeking answers and redress in a justice system outpaced by the violence and overrun by the corruption. They are often re-victimized by government agencies that ignore, reject, or stifle their pleas for justice.

“Families that demand that our children be found face all kinds of threats… the loss of our property, isolation, rejection by our own families,” said Araceli Rodríguez, a mother whose son, a young policeman, was disappeared on the job. His police unit refuses to give information on his disappearance.  “I wake up and find that it’s not a nightmare, that his absense is real and the impunity is also real.”

It’s rare to hear the voices of the women who bear the brunt of the drug war. Their pain doesn’t make headlines. Some need anonymity to remain alive. Many have been granted protective measures by the government or international human rights organizations because of the extreme threats they face.

Telling Stories

Despite all these difficulties, some 70 women told their stories amid tears and despite fear for their lives in Mexico City on January 22. The meeting called by the Nobel Women’s Initiative brought an international delegation led by Nobel Peace Prize winner Jody Williams together with Mexican women victims of the violence and women human rights defenders.

From the sketchy statistics available, women make up a relatively small proportion of the murdered in Mexico, but they are the majority of citizens who denounce disappearances, murders, and human rights violations in the drug war. They work on the front lines of defending communities and human rights. For their efforts, they become targets themselves. In Mexico, six prominent women human rights defenders have been murdered in the past two years.

The last report by the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders recognized that threats and especially “explicit death threats against women human rights defenders are one of the main forms of violence in the region, with more than half coming from Latin America, most of those (27) from Mexico.”

Sometimes it’s the drug cartels that seek to silence women activists. But a recent survey  of Mexican women human rights defenders revealed that they cite the government (national, state, and local) and its security forces as responsible in 55% of cases of violence and threats of violence to women defenders. Among government officials charged with public saftey and justice, they encounter at best indifference and at worst death threats and attacks. A human rights defender from the state of Coahuila explained that searching for a disappeared loved one implies “always having to be in the hell of the institutions, which are often infiltrated by crime.”

Gender-based violence including femicide has skyrocketed in the context of the overall violence. The number of femicides in Chihuahua since sending the army in has risen to 837 for the period 2008-2011 June—nearly double the total femicides in 1993-2007. Women rights defenders report that the vast majority of threats and acts of violence against them include gender-based violence.

Silent No More

Olga Esparza, whose daughter Monica disappeared in Ciudad Juarez in 2009, explains through her tears that the government simply doesn’t care. “We’re the ones who have to carry out the investigations, with our own resources.” She adds that government officials often add insult to injury, “They say she’s probably just gone off with her boyfriend or she’s a prostitute or drug addict.” In her case, as with so many others, there’s no investigation, no results, no justice.

Another woman described how her work with indigenous communities led to her rape and torture by police agents. She continues to live in terror due to threats against her life and her family.

Alma Gomez of the Center for the Human Rights of Women in Chihuahua summed up what she sees in the center, “Women are the invisible victims, we are always at risk in this military and police occupation. We know of gang rapes by security forces that the women don’t even report; arbitary arrests; women who make the rounds between army barracks and city morgues searching for their sons, fathers, or husbands… We are the spoils of war in a war we didn’t ask for and we don’t want.”

“Victim” is really the wrong word for these women. The mother whose son disappeared more than two years ago said, “In the struggle to find my son, I joined the peace movement. I learned that I can transform my pain into a collective force and together we can help more people to have a voice and to now be empowered to defend their rights.”

Valentina Rosendo, a Me’phaa indigenous woman from the State of Guerrero, was raped by soldiers and took her case all the way up to the Interamerican Court of Human Right. She sums up the reason for participating in the Nobel Women’s forum, “It’s really hard to speak out, but it’s more painful to keep quiet.” 

Foreign Policy In Focus columnist Laura Carlsen is director of the Americas Program for the Center for International Policy in Mexico City.
 

(Quelle: FPIF.)

Indonesien: Frauenprotest gegen sexistisches Gefasel

Samstag, Oktober 8th, 2011

“Indonesian feminists: “Don’t blame the victim!”

By Vivi Widyawati and Zely Ariane

Around 100 women and men took part in a rally, Miniskirt Protest — Women against Rape, at the Bundaran Hotel Indonesia in Thamrin, Jakarta, on Sunday, September 18. Dozens of women, including several activists from Perempuan Mahardhika (Free Women), wore miniskirts, as a statement that rape has nothing to do with the way women dress.

The demonstration was a protest against the words of Jakarta Governor Fauzi Bowo (nicknamed Foke) regarding a young female student, Livia, who was raped and killed on public transport. He said: “Imagine if someone sits on board a mikrolet (minivan) wearing a miniskirt; you would get a bit turned on”. Women, he said, “must adjust to their environment so that they don’t provoke people into committing unwanted acts”.


Vivi Widyawati leading chants, September 18.

A call for action by dozens of activists under the banner of Women’s Alliance against Rape was able to gather women from various backgrounds for the demonstration. The protesters shouted and chanted, brandishing posters with slogans such as “Don’t tell us how to dress, but tell them not to rape” and “My miniskirt, my right, Foke you”, "My miniskirt is not wrong, but your mind is”.

The alliance issued a statement saying, among other things; “Rape is a sexual attack on a citizen, a woman. Rape is never wanted by any woman, no matter the socioeconomic background. Victims of rape need solidarity from the whole of society as well as physical aid and care. The statements of incapable public servants have been providing no support, but rather humiliating and dumping the burden on the victims.”

In addition, they demanded that law enforcement protect the victims and that officials take all cases of rape seriously. Local governments should ensure the safety of public transportation and public space and improve the transportation system in the capital.

National Commission response

Three cases of rape on public transport had been reported during a single week before the protest. The National Commission on Violence against Woman (KOMNASPER) has recorded 3753 rapes in 2011, while the Jakarta police have received 41 complaints so far, compared to 40 for all of 2010. KOMNASPER has also received 105,103 complaints of violence against women. In response to the protest, the commission on September 23 outlined recommendations that ranged from improving security for women on public transportation to harsher punishment for sexual assault under the Criminal Code.

The head of the public participation section at the commission, Andy Yentriyani, said the legal system did not provide sufficient protection for women against sexual assault. The law “is insufficient, because sexual assault is categorised as social misconduct”, she said. "In one clause, [the penalty] can be 12 years. In another, it can be two years, eight months. For children, it is classified only as abuse, which reduces the seriousness."


It is men’s behavior and misogynist culture that is the problem.

Sexual assault is not a specific crime under Indonesian law, and is treated only as an "unpleasant act", with an accordingly mild law enforcement response. KOMNASPER hopes its initiative will help fix this with new legislation.

KOMNASPER’s data show that from 1998 to 2010, a quarter of the total of 295,836 cases of violence against women involved sexual assault. These are only the reported cases; many more are probably left unreported. Every day, 28 women are sexually assaulted in Indonesia, the agency said. “The solution is not to allocate special women-only spaces, such as on trains — which has been done already — because there is no guarantee that segregation will prevent assaults", Andy said.

She also voiced concern that if a woman was assaulted while travelling in a mixed space, she could be accused of looking for trouble. “It also feeds into the idea that men can’t control themselves”, she said. “That assumption is just as bad as the assumption that women’s actions or dress are the cause of violence against them.”

Class and gender

Fauzi Bowo’s statement followed similar remarks by other public officials in different parts of the country, including one by a local administrative head in West Aceh who stated that women who did not dress according to religious norms could only blame themselves if they were raped. These statements sparked outrage among activists because they are nothing but misogynist accusations against the victims and a form of verbal violence against women. They are the product of a way of thinking rooted in patriarchy.

In Atas Nama (On Behalf Of), a documentary movie made by KOMNASPER, one woman from Aceh — wearing a scarf herself — put it well: “In general I don’t think any woman likes to be told how to dress”. This is the basic idea of the miniskirt protest: women have the right to their own body, to express themselves and feel good, free from prejudice, stereotyping, discrimination and violence. This is a foundation of women’s liberation.


Don’t blame the victim.

Several far left activists (mostly men) in Jakarta felt uneasy with the statement or the form of the protest, which they considered to be advocating the wearing of miniskirts. Objections were made that the protest “too liberal”, “had insufficient class content” and might provoke “antipathy from the majority of women who are still conservative — the ones feminist activists should try to reach”. Some even went as far as suggesting that the choice was “class struggle or sex struggle”. Still, these comments were better than the major parts of the far left that didn’t say anything at all. The campaign was supported by only a handful of male left activists.

This lack of attention is not very surprising since there have been very few left movements and organisations that take up issues of sexuality and gender. Most of the left groups in Indonesia subordinate the issue of women’s oppression to so-called class issues, which are defined as the purely economic side of class oppression, such as wages and poverty. That is why, so far, they are still unfamiliar with issues such as a woman’s right to her body, sexuality, sexual orientation and so forth. Our experience building the socialist-feminist women’s group Perempuan Mahardhika confirms this view.

We should fight against class oppression, patriarchy and sexism, since in class-based societies patriarchy and sexism play an important role in the reproduction of the social system. There will be no socialism without women’s liberation, and there is no true class consciousness without considering and understanding the very complex nature of patriarchy and sexuality and their relation to class. If the September 18 protest was considered as merely liberal, that would mean we have even more responsibility to intervene in the campaign so that its demands will not be ends in themselves — not merely the freedom of each individual but rather the freedom of each individual as the foundation for the freedom of all.

The fact that many Indonesian women, religious or not, agree with the demands and slogans of the protest, particularly on the fact that rape has nothing to do with dress, is encouraging amidst difficult and worsening political circumstances, including 154 sharia laws and a growing intolerance fuelled by several reactionary religious groups.

We are happy to have taken part in this campaign — and also happy to wear miniskirts, because most of the time we are defensive and forget to challenge the minds of men.

[The writers are members of the national committee of Perempuan Mahardhika (Free Women) and members of People’s Liberation Party, Indonesia.]“

 

(Quelle: Direct Action.)

BRD: Colonia Dignidad? Unter Verschluss!

Donnerstag, September 22nd, 2011

“Der BND und die für Folter und Kindesmissbrauch bekannte Colonia Dignidad

Der Bundesnachrichtendienst hat eine rätselhafte “Notvernichtungshandlung” mit Dignidad-Akten vorgenommen

Von Gaby Weber 22.09.2011

Die Geschichte beginnt 1952, als der Jugendpfleger Paul Schäfer seine Stelle als Kreisjugendwart der evangelischen Kirche verlor, weil er an Kindern homosexuelle Handlungen vornahm. Er gründete daraufhin in Siegburg eine neue Glaubensgemeinschaft, die “Private Sociale Mission”, zusammen mit dem Baptistenprediger Hugo Baar und Heinz Kuhn. 1960 eröffneten sie ein Waisenhaus, und schon im folgenden Jahr erließ das Amtsgericht Siegburg Haftbefehl gegen Schäfer wegen Unzucht mit Abhängigen. Er entzog sich seiner Verhaftung durch Flucht nach Chile, wo er in der Nähe von Parral mit den ihm anvertrauten Kindern die “Colonia Dignidad” gründete.

Viel ist über die “Kolonie der Würde” (später Villa Baviera) geschrieben worden. Es ging immer um Drogenmissbrauch und Folter, und vor allem um den fortgesetzten sexuellen Missbrauch durch Paul Schäfer. Doch auch in Chile schützte ihn eine unsichtbare Hand. 1973 kam der Militärputsch und die CD wurde ein Folterzentrum. Nun wurden auch, so berichteten Überlebende, Kinder den Generälen und Diplomaten zugeführt, die an ihnen ihre Phantasien ausleben können. Bis heute ist die vor einigen Jahren beschlagnahmte Kartei mit 40.000 Namen und Fotos ein Staatsgeheimnis.

Die Deutsche Botschaft unterstützte Paul Schäfer jahrelang und verkaufte in Santiago Schwarzbrot und Sauerkraut aus der “Kolonie der Würde”. Und in Deutschland rief der Waffenhändler Gerhard Mertins den “Freundeskreis der Colonia Dignidad” ins Leben. Mertins hatte für den Bundesnachrichtendienst illegal Waffen in Krisengebiete verschoben, war aber am Ende straffrei ausgegangen. Mehrere Mal besuchte er Paul Schäfer, dessen Kolonie inzwischen in den Bergbau und in die Herstellung von chemischen Waffen eingestiegen war (“Project Andrea”). Für Mertins war die Colonia Dignidad ein “Paradies” – teilte er mir 1980 bei meinem Besuch auf seinen Gut Buschof mit. Seine Mitstreiter waren der ZDF-Journalist Gerhard Löwenthal, der Münchner CSU-Stadtrat Wolfgang Vogelsgesang und der ehemalige deutsche Botschafter, Erich Strätling. Mertins: “Vorerwähnte Herren waren in Dignidad und haben die gleichen positiven Eindrücke gewonnen wie ich.”

Mertins führte mir einen 20-minütigen Werbefilm vor, unschuldige Kindergesichter und Bienchen, und schwärmte von seinem Freund und Mitstreiter, dem chilenischen Geheimdienstchef Manuel Contreras: “Er hat ein rundes Gesicht mit weichen Zügen und macht den Eindruck, dass es ihm schwer fallen würde, eine Fliege zu töten.” Nach dem Ende der Diktatur wurde Contreras wegen mehrerer Morde verurteilt, von “Fliegen” war nie die Rede.

Vieles ist inzwischen über die Colonia Dignidad bekannt, die jahrzehntelange Hilfe des Auswärtigen Amtes ist bewiesen – auch wenn bisher nicht ein einziges Wort der Entschuldigung dafür gefallen ist. Schäfer starb im Gefängnis, seine Führungsclique wurde verurteilt, sein einstiger “Sprinter”, den er mit Vorliebe nachts zu sich geholt hat, Hartmut Hopp – der spätere Arzt der Kolonie und Mittäter – versucht gerade, in Deutschland unterzukommen.

Zwei Punkte sind noch unklar: inwieweit Schäfer an der Herstellung von Giftgas mitgewirkt hat, mit dem – unter anderem – der frühere Staatschef Frei ermordet worden ist. Und: welche Rolle der Bundesnachrichtendienst gespielt hat.

Dass der BND detaillierte Kenntnis von den Zuständen in der Kolonie hat, steht nicht in Frage. Dies sprach mir eines der CD-Gründungsmitglieder, Heinz Kuhn, ins Mikrofon. Kuhn bemüht sich um Aufklärung und Hilfe für die Opfer und lebt nach wie vor in Südchile. Er hielt, nicht zuletzt um Sektenmitgliedern zur Flucht ins Ausland zu verhelfen, auch Kontakte zur US-Botschaft und zum FBI. Mit Beamten des BND hat er sich “mehrfach getroffen. Da ging’s um bestimmte Fälle”, so Kuhn. “Globalmente war der BND über sämtliche Missstände in der Kolonie informiert, auch über den Fall Weisfeiler.”

Der US-Bürger Boris Weisfeiler war 1985 in der Nähe der Kolonie aufgegriffen worden und verschwand für immer. Er soll einen Geigerzähler mit sich geführt haben. Auch die CIA habe sich für den Fall interessiert. Kuhn hat dem BND alle Informationen über den Fall übergeben: “Ich hab mit den Leuten zusammen gearbeitet, in dem Sinne, dass ich ihnen immer wieder Material habe zukommen lassen.” Ein Wolfgang Jensen habe ihn rekrutiert, der war an der Deutschen Botschaft in Buenos Aires und flog regelmäßig nach Santiago. Einmal sei er auch extra nach Argentinien geflogen, um sich mit dem BND-Residenten zu treffen. Was der ihm versprochen hat? “Unser Gespräch ging immer nur mit ganz kleinen Zettelchen und da wurden Notizen gemacht. Was die dann aus den Notizen, die ich ihnen übergeben habe, gemacht haben, das kann ich nicht wissen.”

Dignidad-Akten sind Verschlusssachen

Ich habe am 1. Februar 2009 beim BND einen Antrag auf Akteneinsicht gestellt. Der wurde abgelehnt mit der Begründung, dass “sämtliche Unterlagen des BND Verschlusssachen” seien. Auf meinen Widerspruch erhielt ich aus Pullach den Brief mit dem Vermerk “nur für den Dienstgebrauch” mit der Bitte, daß man das Urteil des Bundesverwaltungsgerichtes abwarten möchte. Damit war ich einverstanden. Ich hatte, ein Jahr zuvor, den BND auf Einsicht in seine Eichmann-Akten verklagt – es würde ein Grundsatzurteil werden. Und das wurde es auch. Die Leizpiger Richter gaben mir Recht. Nun wollte ich endlich die Dignidad-Akten erhalten, fragte in Pullach nach und erhielt die Auskunft, dass man “alle verfügbaren Archivunterlagen” an das Koblenzer Bundesarchiv abgegeben habe.

Doch bei meinem Besuch in Koblenz wurde mir nur ein Schnellhefter ausgehändigt mit insgesamt 22 Seiten. Blatt Nr. Eins war ein “VS Inhaltsverzeichnis zugleich Notvernichtungshandlung und Abgabequittung zu Abgabeverzeichnis 30/2004″, gefolgt von einem kurzen Brief des CDU-Politikers Heiner Geissler mit der Bitte um Aufklärung und einer nichtssagenden Antwort des BND-Präsidenten an Geissler.

Die Abgeordnete Ulla Jelpke fragte die Bundesregierung, was mit den Akten, die im Frühjahr 2009 noch nicht offenzulegende “Verschlusssachen” waren, nunmehr passiert war und was diese “Notvernichtungshandlung” sei? Befindet sich etwa der BND in solcher Not, weil er Mitarbeiter schützen oder die eigene Verwicklung in das Kinderbordell und die Machenschaften von Paul Schäfer verdecken will?

Bundesminister Ronald Pofalla antwortete (PDF) auf die Kleine Anfrage. Ob Dokumente vernichtet oder ausgelagert wurden, könne “den recherchierbaren Unterlagen nicht entnommen werden. Aber: “Dem Antrag der Journalistin wurde entsprochen.” Damit meinte er die 22 Blatt sowie die “Notvernichtungshandlung” – ein Begriff der “standardmäßig verwendet (werde), um für den Fall einer schnell vorzunehmenden Vernichtung von Verschlusssachen, etwa bei der kurzfristigen Räumung einer Dienststelle im Ausland, einen Nachweis der vernichteten Dokumente zu erhalten”. Das sei hier allerdings nicht gemeint, die “Nutzung des Formulars” habe “der Abgabe der Akten an das Bundesarchiv” gedient.

Auch die Bundeswehr kennt solche “Notvernichtungshandlungen”, wenn zum Beispiel ein Schiff im Sinken begriffen ist und die an Bord befindlichen Geheimdokumente nicht dem Feind in die Hände fallen dürfen”. Dass der BND “im Sinken begriffen ist” – mag ja stimmen. Aber ist der Antrag auf Freigabe der Unterlagen zur Colonia Dignidad eine kriegerische Handlung? Für das Bundeskanzleramt offensichtlich.”

 

(Quelle: Telepolis.)

Chile / BRD: Colonia Dignidad – war da was?

Freitag, September 16th, 2011

“Bundesregierung will von der Colonia Dignidad nichts wissen

Seit der Flucht mehrerer Mitglieder sorgt die Sektensiedlung in Chile wieder für Schlagzeilen. Berlin gibt Unkenntnis vor und finanziert die Sekte dennoch weiter

Von Harald Neuber

Die schweren Menschenrechtsverletzungen in der Deutschensiedlung Colonia Dignidad in Chile werden zunehmend juristisch aufgearbeitet. Nach rechtskräftigen Urteilen gegen ehemalige Funktionäre wegen Beihilfe zu sexuellem Missbrauch, Waffenhandel und Mord hat das Berufungsgericht in der Hauptstadt Santiago de Chile nun erstmals einen Strafprozess wegen systematischer Folterungen in der Siedlung eröffnet.

Angeklagt sind der deutsche Staatsbürger Gerhard Mücke sowie der chilenische Geheimdienstler Fernando Gómez Segovia, berichtet[1] das Berliner Forschungszentrum FDCL. Sie sollen wegen der wochenlangen Folter der Pädagogin Adriana Bórquez[2] nach dem Militärputsch 1973 zur Rechenschaft gezogen werden. Indes hat auch die Staatsanwaltschaft in Krefeld Ermittlungen gegen ehemalige Funktionäre der Siedlung aufgenommen, nachdem der von Interpol gesuchte Sektenarzt Hartmut Hopp in der niederrheinischen Stadt aufgetaucht ist.

Opfer des Terrorregimes in der Colonia Dignidad sowie Menschenrechtsorganisationen in Deutschland und Chile hoffen nun darauf, dass die Geschichte öffentlich aufgearbeitet und Recht durchgesetzt wird. In Deutschland war die Chance dazu wiederholt verpasst worden.

Colonia Dignidad

Die Colonia Dignidad war 1961 von dem im vergangenen Jahr verstorbenen[3] Deutschen Paul Schäfer[4] gegründet worden. Der Anhänger evangelikaler Strömungen war in das südamerikanische Land geflohen, nachdem die deutsche Staatsanwaltschaft gegen ihn schon damals wegen sexuellen Missbrauchs von Minderjährigen ermittelte. Wegen entsprechender Vergehen war er gut zehn Jahre zuvor bereits als Jugendbetreuer von der evangelischen Kirche gekündigt worden.

Die Colonia Dignidad – ein bis zu 30.000 Hektar großes Areal in Zentralchile – diente Schäfer noch bis vor wenigen Jahren als Zentrale für sein Sekten- und Wirtschaftsnetzwerk, das auch über politische Kontakte verfügte.

Parallel zur Etablierung der Colonia Dignidad nahm Schäfer zu rechtsextremen Gruppierungen in Chile Kontakt auf, ehemalige Nazis – einschließlich ranghoher Kriegsverbrecher – gingen in der Siedlung ein und aus. Die politischen Kontakte führten nach dem Militärputsch gegen die sozialistische Regierung von Salvador Allende dazu, dass die Colonia Dignidad als Folter- und Vernichtungslager für Widerstandskämpfer genutzt wurde. Auch diese Verbrechen stehen nun in Chile vor Gericht und beschäftigen zudem deutsche Ermittlungsbehörden.

Bundesregierung: Kein Kontakt, keine Gespräche, kein Ersuchen

Beobachter werfen der Bundesregierung angesichts der Versuche einer Aufarbeitung der Geschichte Passivität vor. Spätestens seit sich Hartmut Hopp, der Sektenarzt und langjährige Vertraute von Colonia-Dignidad-Gründer Paul Schäfer, Anfang Mai in einer Nacht-und-Nebel-Aktion über Argentinien und Brasilien nach Deutschland absetzte, ist der Fall auch in Deutschland bekannt.

Die Linksfraktion im Bundestag ließ der Bundesregierung nach der Flucht Hopps einen umfangreichen Fragenkatalog[5] zukommen, der in Zusammenarbeit mit Menschenrechtsorganisationen erarbeitet worden war. Die ersten Antworten[6] nach 10 Wochen fallen ernüchternd aus. Das Auswärtige Amt teilt darin lediglich mit, dass sich der in Chile wegen Beihilfe zum sexuellen Missbrauchs verurteilte Hopp “nach jüngsten Erkenntnissen in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland” aufhält. Mehr Informationen bringt aber schon eine einfache Internetrecherche. In Krefeld, wo Hopp und seine Frau nach der Flucht untergekommen sind, beschäftigt sich die Presse seither fast täglich mit dem Fall. In ihrer Antwort will die Bundesregierung davon nichts wissen. Es gebe zu dem Fall keine Kontakte, keine Gespräche und auch kein Ersuchen chilenischer Behörden.

Auch bei anderen heiklen Punkten versteckt sich die Bundesregierung hinter vermeintlicher Unkenntnis. Es sei ihr nicht bekannt, heißt es in der Antwort von FDP-Staatssekretärin Cornelia Piper, in welchem Ausmaß die Führung der Colonia Dignidad in Waffenhandel und Waffenschmuggel verstrickt war. “Eine dreiste Behauptung”, entgegnet der Bundestagsabgeordnete Jan Korte, dessen Büro die Anfrage eingereicht hatte. Immerhin habe mit dem ehemaligen SS-Mitglied und späteren BND-Mann Gerhard Mertins ein direkter Kontakt zwischen der Sektensiedlung und westdeutschen Stellen bestanden. Die Bundesregierung “hofft offenbar, das Thema aussitzen zu können”, sagte Korte gegenüber Telepolis.

Entwicklungshilfe für mutmaßliche Verbrecher

Handlungsfreudiger ist man in Berlin, wenn es um aktuelle Kontakte zu der Sektensiedlung geht. In der Antwort des Auswärtigen Amtes auf die Bundestagsanfrage wird die “fortbestehende Anwesenheit einiger ehemaliger Führungsmitglieder der Colonia Dignidad” auf dem Gelände der Siedlung bestätigt, die sich nach dem Tod des Gründers Paul Schäfer in “Villa Baviera” (Bayrisches Dorf) umbenannt hat.

Auch wenn die Bundesregierung die Anwesenheit mutmaßlicher Kinderschänder, Folterer und Mörder als “sehr problematisch für einen glaubwürdigen Neuanfang” bewertet, unterstützt sie die Sektenstrukturen bis heute finanziell. Nach der Erhöhung eines entsprechenden Haushaltstitels von 224.000 Euro auf 245.000 Euro im vergangenen Jahr wurden die Bundesmittel für die umbenannte Colonia Dignidad für 2012 zwar auf 150.000 Euro reduziert. Dennoch behält sich Berlin die Entsendung von Experten der Entwicklungshilfeagentur GIZ und des Senior Experten Service nach Chile vor, um die wirtschaftlichen Tätigkeiten der Deutschensiedlung zu unterstützen.

Vor diesem Hintergrund fordern Opfer- und Menschenrechtsorganisationen immer vehementer Konsequenzen auch in Deutschland. Nach Angaben von Beobachtern des Colonia-Dignidad-Skandals haben sich gut ein Dutzend führende Funktionäre der Siedlung ihren drohenden Haftstrafen in Chile unlängst durch eine Flucht nach Deutschland entzogen. Beobachter des Skandals weisen darauf hin, dass die evangelikale Sekte Freie Volksmission Krefeld[7] unter Leitung des Predigers Ewald Frank ihnen Zuflucht gewährt. Der Sektenarzt Hartmut Hopp ist nur der prominenteste Fall. Beachtlich ist, dass nun die Staatsanwaltschaft in Krefeld die Ermittlungen in dessen Fall aufgenommen hat. In Bonn war ein Ermittlungsverfahren gegen den Mediziner nach 23 Jahren ohne Ergebnisse gerade erst stillschweigend eingestellt worden.

Justiz hat auch in Deutschland Handhabe

Nach der Flucht Hartmut Hopps nach Deutschland hatten sich die hiesigen Justizbehörden zunächst auf die Position zurückgezogen, dass das ihm vorgeworfene Delikt des Kindesmissbrauchs nach deutschem Recht nach zehn Jahren verjährt. Dem trat nun der Rechtsanwalt Wolfgang Kaleck entgegen, der dem European Center for Constitutional and Human Rights (ECCHR[8]) als Generalsekretär vorsteht. Entgegen der These eines angeblich fehlenden Grundes habe die Staatsanwaltschaft Krefeld ein Verfahren eröffnet, nachdem das Medieninteresse zunahm, so Kaleck. Zum anderen habe derart pauschal eine Ermittlung gar nicht abgelehnt werden können, weil gemeinschaftlicher Missbrauch, wie er in der Colonia Dignidad über Jahre hinweg begangen wurde, auch nach deutschem Recht erst nach zwei Jahrzehnten verjährt. Und schließlich gehe es im Fall der Deutschensiedlung in Chile unter anderem um Mord – und derartige Delikte müssten auch in Deutschland verfolgt werden, so Kaleck im Deutschlandradio[9].

Der komplizierte und facettenreiche Fall der Colonia Dignidad wird weiter die Medien und die Justizinstitutionen in Deutschland und Chile beschäftigen. Ob die zahlreichen Verbrechen aufgeklärt und die für sie Verantwortlichen zur Rechenschaft gezogen werden, hängt dabei zum erheblichen Maße von der deutschen Bundesregierung ab.

“Uns macht halt auch misstrauisch, dass uns in die Akten des Auswärtigen Amtes jahrelang keine Einsicht gewährt wurde”, sagt Kaleck. Ein mit dem Fall betrauter Wissenschaftler musste vor dem Berliner Verwaltungsgericht zwei Klageverfahren gegen das Auswärtige Amt anstrengen. Vertreter des Ministeriums argumentierten dabei mit gebotenem Geheimnisschutz: Eine Veröffentlichung der Akten über die ehemals westdeutschen Verbindungen zur Colonia Dignidad könnten die bilateralen Beziehungen zu Chile nachhaltig beschädigen. Bislang sind von Bundesnachrichtendienst 22 Seiten zu den jahrzehntelangen Verbindungen veröffentlich worden, das Außenamt stellte lediglich Akten zur Verfügung, die über 30 Jahre alt sind. Die Frage ist also, ob die Bundesregierung nichts über die Colonia Dignidad weiß – oder nicht wissen will.

Anhang

Links

[1] http://fdcl-berlin.de

[2] http://www.amnesty.de/de/j9710/colonia1.htm

[3] http://www.stuttgarter-nachrichten.de/inhalt.colonia-dignidad-paul-schaefer:
-proteste-bei-begraebnis.3bfc746a-77d5-4f28-a3c9-87c67848b67b.html

[4] http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paul_Sch%C3%A4fer_%28Colonia_Dignidad%29

[5] http://dipbt.bundestag.de/dip21/btd/17/064/1706401.pdf

[6] http://dokumente.linksfraktion.de/drucksachen/22904_1706620.pdf

[7] http://freie-volksmission.de/

[8] http://www.ecchr.eu/

[9] http://www.dradio.de/dkultur/sendungen/thema/1545246/ “

 

(Quelle: Telepolis.)

Global: Gewalt gegen Frauen in Minderheiten

Freitag, Juli 8th, 2011

“Minority Women Fight Back Against Mistreatment

By Elizabeth Whitman

Women in minority and indigenous communities are especially vulnerable to wide-ranging forms of violence, abuse and discrimination, according to a new report released Wednesday by Minority Rights Group International (MRG), a human rights group that works on behalf of minorities and indigenous peoples.

With limited access to political mechanisms of justice and protection, they are disproportionately the targets of attacks and discrimination, during times of conflict or peace, the report said.

Dalits in India, Muslims in Britain, Uzbeks in Kyrgyzstan, Batwas in Uganda, Aborigines in Australia – these are just a few of the communities spanning the globe who are sometimes welcomed, but more often not, by the dominant national cultures.

The disproportionate levels of abuse and discrimination that these women face – including rape, other forms of sexual violence, and trafficking, from government forces, paramilitaries, or members of their own communities – can be attributed to the fact that their identity exists at the intersection of two rather marginalised groups, women and minorities, making them easy targets.

In spite of the compound disadvantage, these women are standing up for themselves and challenging the status quo, even as government policies fail to provide the rights and protections they deserve, or, in some cases, attempt to write discrimination into their very laws.

One hundred percent of Batwa women in Uganda interviewed by MRG said that they had experienced some form of violence, whether ongoing or in the past year.

Dalit women in India experience horrific discrimination as part of the “Untouchables” within the traditional caste system. Even though “untouchability” is illegal according to India’s constitution, in practice, it is alive and pervasive in many forms.

In Kyrgyzstan in June 2010, ethnic Uzbek girls and women were subject to widespread rape and sexual violence. Yet in women’s crisis centres sympathetic to them, they could not receive residential support due to “hostility among ethnic Kyrgyz clients”, the report said.

Speaking up

In countries where discrimination towards minorities is the norm, women from these groups have a particularly difficult time ensuring that they are protected, in law and in reality, from attacks and that perpetrators do not enjoy impunity, especially where socio-economic and geographic factors entrench discriminatory practices further.

Because minority and indigenous women often hail from poor socioeconomic backgrounds and remote areas, they have less access to education, employment, or justice. Without these opportunities, their channels through which to fight violence and discrimination are extremely limited, and opportunities to ameliorate the situation are scarce.

Nevertheless, “many are actively fighting for their rights as women, for the rights of their communities and for their rights as minority or indigenous women,” the report stated, even at the risk of violent reprisals from majority communities or their own.

Dalit women “have come out very powerfully to fight for their rights and for justice,” said Manjula Pradeep, executive director of Navsarjan, a grassroots Dalit human rights organisation.. “They are the ones that are really fighting for the rights,” even if they receive little support from families and community members, she said.

For instance, over the nearly two decades that Pradeep has worked with Navsarjan, she has witnessed a shift in reportage of cases of abuse. When she first began, few cases of violence against Dalit women were reported to police. Now, she says, women are coming out and speaking about sexual abuse by landlords and employers.

The double standard applied to Dalit women exemplifies the horrors they face. “At one level you don’t allow a Dalit woman to fetch water from a public well, but on the other side you rape the woman,” Pradeep said. “At one level you see her as a defiled person, somebody who is very impure, but you rape the same woman.”

Developed countries have poor records too

Politicians in the developed world sometimes speak as if the violation of women’s rights was simply a problem in the developing world,” Mark Lattimer, executive director of MRG, told IPS, “but the evidence shows that that is simply not the case.

In Australia, for instance, the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women determined that indigenous women “have fewer opportunities, are less likely to participate in public life, and have more restricted access to justice, and to quality education, health care and legal aid services.”

In Britain, Muslim women endure verbal and physical assault, and different countries in Europe have sought to ban the hijab or fine those wearing it.

Nor is discrimination limited to the practices of daily life – it reaches the higher echelons of society as well. Lattimer noted that “in almost every developed democracy, minority women are grossly underrepresented in politics, in the judiciary, in corporate boardrooms and in other positions of power and influence.”

What we need to do is listen to women who speak out and risk their lives to protect their rights, he concluded, “and take seriously their own recommendations for how their rights should be protected.”

(END)

 

(Quelle: IPS News.)

Libyen: amnesty widerspricht NATO-Kriegspropaganda

Freitag, Juni 24th, 2011

“Amnesty questions claim that Gaddafi ordered rape as weapon of war

By Patrick Cockburn

Human rights organisations have cast doubt on claims of mass rape and other abuses perpetrated by forces loyal to Colonel Muammar Gaddafi, which have been widely used to justify Nato’s war in Libya.

Nato leaders, opposition groups and the media have produced a stream of stories since the start of the insurrection on 15 February, claiming the Gaddafi regime has ordered mass rapes, used foreign mercenaries and employed helicopters against civilian protesters.

An investigation by Amnesty International has failed to find evidence for these human rights violations and in many cases has discredited or cast doubt on them. It also found indications that on several occasions the rebels in Benghazi appeared to have knowingly made false claims or manufactured evidence.

The findings by the investigators appear to be at odds with the views of the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, Luis Moreno-Ocampo, who two weeks ago told a press conference that “we have information that there was a policy to rape in Libya those who were against the government. Apparently he [Colonel Gaddafi] used it to punish people.”

US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton last week said she was “deeply concerned” that Gaddafi’s troops were participating in widespread rape in Libya. “Rape, physical intimidation, sexual harassment, and even so-called ‘virginity tests’ have taken place in countries throughout the region,” she said.

Donatella Rovera, senior crisis response adviser for Amnesty, who was in Libya for three months after the start of the uprising, says that “we have not found any evidence or a single victim of rape or a doctor who knew about somebody being raped”.

She stresses this does not prove that mass rape did not occur but there is no evidence to show that it did. Liesel Gerntholtz, head of women’s rights at Human Rights Watch, which also investigated the charge of mass rape, said: “We have not been able to find evidence.”

In one instance two captured pro-Gaddafi soldiers presented to the international media by the rebels claimed their officers, and later themselves, had raped a family with four daughters. Ms Rovera says that when she and a colleague, both fluent in Arabic, interviewed the two detainees, one 17 years old and one 21, alone and in separate rooms, they changed their stories and gave differing accounts of what had happened. “They both said they had not participated in the rape and just heard about it,” she said. “They told different stories about whether or not the girls’ hands were tied, whether their parents were present and about how they were dressed.”

Seemingly the strongest evidence for mass rape appeared to come from a Libyan psychologist, Dr Seham Sergewa, who says she distributed 70,000 questionnaires in rebel-controlled areas and along the Tunisian border, of which over 60,000 were returned. Some 259 women volunteered that they had been raped, of whom Dr Sergewa said she interviewed 140 victims.

Asked by Diana Eltahawy, Amnesty International’s specialist on Libya, if it would be possible to meet any of these women, Dr Sergewa replied that “she had lost contact with them” and was unable to provide documentary evidence.

The accusation that Viagra had been distributed to Gaddafi’s troops to encourage them to rape women in rebel areas first surfaced in March after Nato had destroyed tanks advancing on Benghazi. Ms Rovera says that rebels dealing with the foreign media in Benghazi started showing journalists packets of Viagra, claiming they came from burned-out tanks, though it is unclear why the packets were not charred.

Credible evidence of rape came when Eman al-Obeidy burst into a hotel in Tripoli on 26 March to tell journalists she had been gang-raped before being dragged away by the Libyan security services.

Rebels have repeatedly charged that mercenary troops from Central and West Africa have been used against them. The Amnesty investigation found there was no evidence for this. “Those shown to journalists as foreign mercenaries were later quietly released,” says Ms Rovera. “Most were sub-Saharan migrants working in Libya without documents.”

Others were not so lucky and were lynched or executed. Ms Rovera found two bodies of migrants in the Benghazi morgue and others were dumped on the outskirts of the city. She says: “The politicians kept talking about mercenaries, which inflamed public opinion and the myth has continued because they were released without publicity.”

Nato intervention started on 19 March with air attacks to protect people in Benghazi from massacre by advancing pro-Gaddafi troops. There is no doubt that civilians did expect to be killed after threats of vengeance from Gaddafi. During the first days of the uprising in eastern Libya, security forces shot and killed demonstrators and people attending their funerals, but there is no proof of mass killing of civilians on the scale of Syria or Yemen.

Most of the fighting during the first days of the uprising was in Benghazi, where 100 to 110 people were killed, and the city of Baida to the east, where 59 to 64 were killed, says Amnesty. Most of these were probably protesters, though some may have obtained weapons.

Amateur videos show some captured Gaddafi supporters being shot dead and eight badly charred bodies were found in the remains of the military headquarters in Benghazi, which may be those of local boys who disappeared at that time.

There is no evidence that aircraft or heavy anti-aircraft machine guns were used against crowds. Spent cartridges picked up after protesters were shot at came from Kalashnikovs or similar calibre weapons.

The Amnesty findings confirm a recent report by the authoritative International Crisis Group, which found that while the Gaddafi regime had a history of brutally repressing opponents, there was no question of “genocide”.

The report adds that “much Western media coverage has from the outset presented a very one-sided view of the logic of events, portraying the protest movement as entirely peaceful and repeatedly suggesting that the regime’s security forces were unaccountably massacring unarmed demonstrators who presented no security challenge”.

The rising cost of war

The Nato-led air campaign in Libya will cost the UK at least £260m if it continues for another three months, Defence Secretary Liam Fox said yesterday.

The estimate stands in sharp contrast to the figures predicted by George Osborne in March, when the Chancellor said Britain’s involvement would be likely to cost “tens of millions, not hundreds of millions” of pounds.

Mr Fox told Parliament that the projected cost was “in the region” of £120m, with an additional £140m bill to replace missiles and other weapons. He said attempts to minimise civilian casualties had led to a steeper bill.

Emily Fairbairn”

 

(Quelle: The Independent.)