Posts Tagged ‘Bauxit’

Indien: Der Feind ist das Volk

Donnerstag, November 4th, 2010

“Krieg im Herzen Indiens

Von Arundhati Roy

(Auszug/LI 90)

Die knappe, maschinengeschriebene Notiz wurde in einem versiegelten Umschlag unter meiner Tür hindurchgeschoben und enthielt die Bestätigung meines Treffens mit Indiens größtem internen Sicherheitsrisiko. Seit Monaten hatte ich darauf gewartet, von ihnen zu hören. Ich sollte mich im Ma Danteshwari mandir [“Tempel”] in Dantewada, Chhattisgarh, zu vier genannten Zeiten an zwei bestimmten Tagen einfinden. Diese Maßnahme sollte schlechtem Wetter, Reifenschäden, Verkehrsblockaden oder -streiks und schierem Pech Rechnung tragen. Auf dem Zettel stand: “Autor sollte tika tragen, Photoapparat und Kokosnuß dabei haben. Abholer wird Kappe tragen, Hindi-Ausgabe von Outlook und Bananen dabeihaben. Paßwort: Namashkar Gu-ruji.

Namashkar Guruji. Ich fragte mich, ob der Abholer einen Mann erwartete. Und ob ich mir einen Schnurrbart ankleben sollte.

Dantewada ist auf viele Art zu beschreiben. Es ist ein Oxymoron. Es ist eine Grenzstadt mitten im Herzen Indiens. Es ist das Epizentrum eines Krieges. Es ist eine kopfstehende Stadt im Ausnahmezustand.

In Dantewada tragen die Polizisten Zivil und die Rebellen Uniform. Der Gefängnisdirektor sitzt im Gefängnis. Die Häftlinge sind frei. (Vor zwei Jahren flüchteten 300 Häftlinge aus dem Gefängnis in der Altstadt.) Vergewaltigte Frauen befinden sich in Polizeigewahrsam. Die Vergewaltiger halten Reden im Basar.

Jenseits des Flusses Indravati befindet sich das Gebiet, das die Maoisten kontrollieren und die Polizei “Pakistan” nennt. Die Dörfer dort stehen leer, doch der Wald wimmelt von Menschen. Kinder, die in die Schule gehen sollten, laufen frei herum. Die Schulgebäude in den hübschen Urwalddörfern wurden entweder gesprengt und sind nur noch Ruinen, oder die Polizei hat sie besetzt. Der tödliche Krieg, der im Dschungel ausgetragen wird, ist ein Krieg, auf den die indische Regierung einerseits stolz, der ihr andererseits peinlich ist. Operation Green Hunt wird verkündet wie auch geleugnet. P. Chidambaram, Indiens Innenminister (und Hauptgeschäftsführer des Krieges), behauptet, daß sie nicht existiert, daß die Medien sie erfunden haben. Dennoch werden beträchtliche Geldbeträge dafür zur Verfügung gestellt und Zehntausende Soldaten dafür mobilisiert. Obwohl der Krieg im Urwald Zentralindiens stattfindet, wird er ernste Konsequenzen für uns alle haben.

Wenn Geister auf jemanden oder etwas verweisen, was nicht mehr existiert, dann ist vielleicht die neue vierspurige Autobahn, die durch den Urwald bricht, das Gegenteil eines Geistes. Vielleicht ist sie ein Vorbote dessen, was noch kommen wird.

Die Gegner, die sich im Wald gegenüberstehen, könnten ungleicher nicht sein. Auf der einen Seite eine massive paramilitärische Armee, ausgerüstet mit dem Geld, den Waffen, den Medien und der Hybris einer jungen Supermacht. Auf der anderen Seite gewöhnliche Dorfbewohner, bewaffnet mit traditionellen Waffen und unterstützt von einer hervorragend organisierten, hochmotivierten Guerillakampftruppe, die auf eine ungewöhnliche und gewaltreiche Geschichte bewaffneter Aufstände zurückblickt. Die Maoisten und das Paramilitär sind alte Widersacher und haben sich in früheren Avataren bereits mehrmals bekämpft: in den fünfziger Jahren in Telangana, in den späten sechziger und in den siebziger Jahren in Westbengalen, Bihar, Srikakulam in Andhra Pradesh und seit den achtziger Jahren bis heute erneut in Andhra Pradesh, Bihar und Maharashtra. Sie kennen die Taktik ihres Gegners und haben seine Kampfhandbücher genau studiert. Jedesmal schien es, als wären die Maoisten (oder ihre früheren Avatare) nicht nur besiegt, sondern auch buchstäblich bis auf den letzten Mann ausge-merzt worden. Jedesmal sind sie wiederauferstanden – besser organisiert, entschlossener und einflußreicher als je zuvor. Heute hat sich der Aufstand in den an Bodenschätzen reichen Wäl-dern von Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Orissa und Westbengalen ausgebreitet – der Heimat von Millionen Menschen der indigenen Stämme Indiens, dem Traumland der indischen Industrie.

Das liberale Gewissen glaubt gern, daß der Krieg in den Wäldern ein Krieg der Regierung Indiens gegen die Maoisten sei, welche Wahlen eine Augenwischerei und das Parlament einen Saustall nennen und öffentlich die Absicht erklärt haben, den indischen Staat zu Fall zu bringen. Da kommt es gelegen, zu vergessen, daß die Stämme in Zentralindien auf eine Geschichte des Widerstands zurückblicken, die um Jahrhunderte älter ist als Mao. (Das ist eine Binsenweisheit. Wenn es nicht so wäre, würden sie nicht mehr existieren.) Die Ho, die Oraon, die Kol, die Santal, die Munda und die Gond haben mehrmals gegen die Briten, gegen Großgrundbesitzer und Geldverleiher gekämpft. Die Rebellionen wurden grausam niedergeschlagen, viele Tausende verloren ihr Leben, und doch wurden die Stämme nie besiegt. Und nach der Unabhängigkeit bildeten Stammesmitglieder den Kern des ersten Aufstandes, den man maoistisch nennen könnte und der in dem Dorf Naxalbari in Westbengalen stattfand (wo das Wort “Naxaliten”, das heute austauschbar mit “Maoisten” gebraucht wird, seinen Ursprung hat). Seit damals ist die Politik der Naxaliten unentwirrbar mit Stammesaufständen verwoben, was ebensoviel über die Stämme wie über die Naxaliten sagt.

Das Vermächtnis der Rebellion hat ein erzürntes Volk zurückgelassen, das von der indischen Regierung vorsätzlich isoliert und marginalisiert wird. Die indische Verfassung, die moralische Grundlage der indischen Demokratie, wurde 1950 vom Parlament verabschiedet. Es war ein tragischer Tag für die Stämme. Die Verfassung bestätigte die koloniale Politik und setzte den Staat als Verwalter der Stammesgebiete ein. Über Nacht wurden alle Stämme zu Besetzern ihres eigenen Landes. Die Verfassung verweigerte ihnen das traditionelle Recht auf die Produkte des Waldes, sie kriminalisierte ihre Lebensweise. Sie gab ihnen das Wahlrecht, nahm ihnen dafür aber das Recht auf einen Lebensunterhalt und Würde.

Nachdem die Regierung sie enteignet und in eine Abwärtsspirale der Armut gestoßen hatte, begann sie mit einem grausamen Handstreich, die Armut der Stämme gegen diese einzusetzen. Jedesmal, wenn sie große Bevölkerungsteile umsiedeln mußte – wegen eines Staudamms, eines Bewässerungsprojekts, der Ausbeutung von Bodenschätzen –, sprach sie davon, die “Stämme in die Gesellschaft einzugliedern” und ihnen “die Früchte moderner Entwicklung” zukommen zu lassen. Die überwiegende Mehrheit der zig Millionen Vertriebenen (über 30 Millionen allein für den Bau von Staudämmen), den Flüchtlingen vor Indiens “Fortschritt”, waren Mitglieder von Stämmen. Sobald die Regierung vom Wohlergehen der Stämme spricht, ist es Zeit, sich Sorgen zu machen.

Die jüngste Äußerung der Besorgnis stammt von Innenminister P. Chidambaram, der nicht will, daß die indigene Bevölkerung in “musealen Kulturen” lebt. Ihr Wohlergehen schien ihm während seiner Laufbahn als Firmenanwalt, der die Interessen mehrerer großer Bergbauunternehmen vertrat, nicht sonderlich am Herzen zu liegen. Es ist also keine schlechte Idee, sich die Grundlage dieser neuen Besorgnis näher anzusehen.

Während der letzten fünf Jahren haben die Regierungen von Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Orissa und Westbengalen insgeheim Hunderte von Absichtserklärungen im Wert von mehreren Milliarden Dollar mit Firmen unterzeichnet – zum Bau von Stahlwerken, Eisenschwammfabriken, Kraftwerken, Aluminiumraffinerien, Staudämmen und Bergwerken. Um die Absichtserklärungen zu hartem Geld zu machen, müssen die Stämme umgesiedelt werden. Das ist der Grund für diesen Krieg.

Wenn ein Land, das sich demokratisch nennt, innerhalb seiner Grenzen offen einen Krieg erklärt, wie sieht dieser Krieg dann aus? Hat der Widerstand eine Chance? Sollte er eine Chance haben? Wer sind die Maoisten? Sind sie gewalttätige Nihilisten, die den Ureinwohnern eine überholte Ideologie aufzwingen und sie zu einem aussichtslosen Aufstand anstacheln? Was für Lektionen haben sie aus früheren Erfahrungen gelernt? Ist grundsätzlich jeder bewaffnete Kampf undemokratisch? Ist die Sandwichtheorie – “gewöhnliche” Stammesmitglieder gefangen im Kreuzfeuer zwischen Staat und Maoisten – zutreffend? Sind die “Maoisten” und die “Stämme” wie verlautbart zwei vollkommen voneinander unabhängige Kategorien? Haben sie gemeinsame Interessen? Haben sie voneinander gelernt? Haben sie sich gegenseitig verändert?

Am Tag vor meiner Abreise rief meine Mutter an. Sie klang ein bißchen verschlafen. “Ich habe mir gedacht”, sagte sie mit dem unheimlichen Instinkt einer Mutter, “daß dieses Land eine Revolution braucht.”

In einem Artikel im Internet wird behauptet, daß der israelische Mossad dreißig hochrangige indische Polizeioffiziere in den Techniken gezielten Mordens ausbildet, um die Maoisten “führungslos” zu machen. In der Presse wird über die neue Hardware geschrieben, die von Israel gekauft wurde: Laserentfernungsmesser, Infrarotkameras und unbemannte Drohnen, die sich in der US-Armee so großer Beliebtheit erfreuen. Die perfekte Ausrüstung, um gegen die Armen vorzugehen.

Die Fahrt von Raipur nach Dantewada dauert zehn Stunden und führt durch Gegenden, die von Maoisten “infiziert” sind. Das ist kein unbedacht gewähltes Wort. “Infiziert/Infizierung” schließt ein: “Krankheit/Plage”. Krankheiten müssen geheilt werden. Plagen müssen ausgerottet werden. Die Maoisten müssen eliminiert werden. Auf diese schleichende, unauffällige Weise nimmt das Vokabular des Genozids unsere Sprache als Geisel.

Um die Autobahn zu schützen, “sichern” Sicherheitskräfte ein schmales Stück Dschungel zu beiden Seiten der Trasse. Jenseits davon befindet sich das raj des dada log. Das Reich der Brüder. Der Genossen.

Am Stadtrand von Raipur wirbt eine riesengroße Tafel für das Vedanta(die Firma, die unser Innenminister einst vertreten hat) Krebskrankenhaus. In Orissa, wo es um den Abbau von Bauxit geht, finanziert Vedanta eine Universität. Auf diese schleichende, unauffällige Weise dringt die Bergbauindustrie in unsere Phantasie vor: die sanften Riesen, denen wir wirklich am Herzen liegen. Man nennt es die “soziale Verantwortung der Firmen” (CSR, Corporate Social Responsibility). Es erlaubt den Bergbaukonzernen, so zu sein, wie es der legendäre Schauspieler und frühere Chefminister von Andhra Pradesh N. T. Rama Rao war, der in mythologischen Telugu-Filmen gern sowohl die Rolle des Guten als auch die des Bösen spielte. Die soziale Verantwortung maskiert jene unerhörte Wirtschaftspolitik, die die Grundlage der Bergbauindustrie in Indien bildet. So erhält zum Beispiel die Regierung laut dem jüngsten Lokayukta-Bericht über Karnataka für jede Tonne von einer privaten Firma abgebauten Eisenerzes 27 Rupien, die Firma erhält 5 000 Rupien. Für Bauxit und Aluminium sind die Zahlen noch unglaublicher. Wir sprechen hier von Milliarden-Dollar-Diebstählen bei hellichtem Tag. Von genug Geld, um Wahlen, Regierungen, Richter, Zeitungen, TV-Sender, NGOs und andere Hilfsorganisationen zu kaufen. Was bedeutet da schon das gelegentliche Krebskrankenhaus?

Ich erinnere mich nicht, den Namen Vedanta auf der langen Liste der Absichtserklärungen gelesen zu haben, die die Regierung von Chhattisgarh unterschrieben hat. Doch ich vermute, daß es irgendwo einen Berg voller Bauxit gibt, wenn ein Krebskrankenhaus gebaut wurde.

Wir kommen durch Kanker, berühmt für sein College, in dem Terrorismusbekämpfung und Dschungelkriegsführung gelehrt wird. Geleitet wird es von Brigadegeneral B. K. Ponwar, dem Rumpelstilzchen dieses Krieges, dem die Aufgabe anvertraut wurde, aus bestechlichen, nachlässigen Polizisten (Stroh) Dschungelkommandos (Gold) zu machen. Das Motto der Kriegsschule “Kämpfe wie ein Guerilla gegen die Guerillas” ist auf einen Felsen gemalt. Den Männern wird beigebracht, zu laufen, über den Boden zu robben, aus fliegenden Hubschraubern abzuspringen und sich von ihnen wieder aufnehmen zu lassen, (aus unerfindlichem Grund) zu reiten, Schlangen zu essen und sich vom Dschungel zu ernähren. Der Brigadegeneral ist sehr stolz darauf, Straßenköter zum Kampf gegen “Terroristen” auszubilden. Alle sechs Wochen schließen 800 Polizisten die Ausbildung ab. Zwanzig weitere Schulen dieser Art sind in ganz Indien geplant. Die Polizei wird schrittweise zu einer Armee. (In Kaschmir ist es umgekehrt. Die Armee wird in eine aufgeblähte, administrative Polizei umgewandelt.) Auf den Kopf gestellt. Umgekrempelt. Nur eins bleibt gleich: Der Feind ist immer das Volk.

Es ist spät. Jagdalpur schläft. Auf zahllosen Plakaten bittet Rahul Gandhi die Leute, seinem Youth Congress, der Nachwuchsorganisation der Kongreßpartei, beizutreten. In den letzten Monaten war er zweimal im Distrikt Bastar, zum Krieg hat er jedoch nicht viel gesagt. Wahrscheinlich ist es derzeit zu riskant für den Kronprinzen, sich einzumischen. Seine Medienmanager müssen ein Machtwort gesprochen haben. Die Tatsache, daß die Salwa Judum – eine gefürchtete, von der Regierung finanzierte Miliz, die die Verantwortung trägt für Vergewaltigungen, Morde, das Niederbrennen von Dörfern und die Vertreibung von Hunderttausenden von Menschen aus ihren Dörfern – von Mahendra Karma geführt wird, einem Kongreßabgeordneten im Parlament von Chhattisgarh, wird kaum erwähnt von der sorgfältig orchestrierten Publicity um Rahul Gandhi.

Ich traf rechtzeitig zur verabredeten Zeit vor dem Ma Danteshwari mandir ein (erster Tag, erster Termin). Ich hatte meinen Photoapparat und eine kleine Kokosnuß dabei und trug ein pudriges tika auf der Stirn. Ich fragte mich, ob mich jemand beobachtete und sich kaputtlachte. Nach ein paar Minuten näherte sich mir ein kleiner Junge. Er trug eine Kappe und einen Rucksack als Schulranzen. Auf den Fingernägeln Reste von rotem Nagellack. Keine Hindi-Ausgabe von Outlook, keine Bananen. “Bist du die, die reingehen will?” fragte er mich. Kein Namashkar Guruji. Ich wußte nicht, was ich sagen sollte. Er nahm einen schmutzigen Zettel aus der Tasche und reichte ihn mir. Darauf stand: “Outlook nahin mila. (Outlook nicht gefunden.)”

“Und die Bananen?”

“Die habe ich gegessen”, sagte er. “Ich hatte Hunger.”

Er war wirklich ein Sicherheitsrisiko.

(…)”

(Quelle: Lettre International.)

 

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Indien: ‘Hexenjagd’ auf Arundhati Roy

Dienstag, Juni 15th, 2010

Operation Green Hunt’s urban avatar

By Arundhati Roy

“While the Indian Government considers deploying the army and air force to quell the rebellion in the countryside, strange things are happening in the cities.

On the 2nd of June the Committee for the Protection of Democratic Rights (CPDR) held a public meeting in Mumbai. The main speakers were Gautam Navlakha, editorial consultant of the Economic and Political Weekly and myself. The press was there in strength. The meeting lasted for more than three hours. It was widely covered by the print media and TV. On June 3rd, several newspapers, TV channels and online news portals like Rediff.com, covered the event quite accurately. The Times of India (Mumbai edition), had an article headlined “We need an idea that is neither Left nor Right”, and the Hindu’s article was headlined “Can we leave the bauxite in the mountain?” The recording of the meeting is up on YouTube.

The day after the meeting, the Press Trust of India (PTI) put out a brazenly concocted account of what I had said. The PTI report was first posted by the Indian Express online on June 3rd 2010 at 13.35 pm. The headline said: “Arundhati backs Maoists, dares authorities to arrest her.” Here are some excerpts:

“Author Arundhati Roy has justified the armed resistance by Maoists and dared the authorities to arrest her for supporting their cause.”

“The Naxal movement could be nothing but an armed struggle. I am not supporting violence. But I am also completely against contemptuous atrocities-based political analysis.” (?)

“It ought to be an armed movement. Gandhian way of opposition needs an audience, which is absent here. People have debated long before choosing this form of struggle,” Roy, who had saluted the “people of Dantewada” after 76 CRPF and police personnel were mowed down by Maoists in the deadliest attack targeting security forces. “‘I am on this side of line. I do not care…pick me up put me in jail,’ she asserted.”

Let me begin with the end of the report. The suggestion that I saluted “the people of Dantewada” after the Maoists killed 76 Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) is a piece of criminal defamation. I have made it quite clear in an interview on CNN-IBN that I viewed the death of the CRPF men as tragic, and that I thought they were pawns in a war of the rich against the poor. What I said at the meeting in Mumbai was that I was contemptuous of the hollow condemnation industry the media has created and that as the war went on and the violence spiraled, it was becoming impossible to extract any kind of morality from the atrocities committed by both sides, so an atrocity-based analysis was a meaningless exercise. I said that I was not there to defend the killing of ordinary people by anybody, neither the Maoists nor the government, and that it was important to ask what the CRPF was doing with 27 AK-47s, 38 INSAS, 7 SLRs, 6 light machine guns, one stengun and a two-inch mortar in tribal villages. If they were there to wage war, then being railroaded into condemning the killing of the CRPF men by the Maoists meant being railroaded into coming down on the side of the Government in a war that many of us disagreed with.

The rest of the PTI report was a malicious, moronic mish-mash of what transpired at the meeting. My views on the Maoists are clear. I have written at length about them. At the meeting I said that the people’s resistance against the corporate land grab consisted of a bandwidth of movements with different ideologies, of which the Maoists were the most militant end. I said the government was labeling every resistance movement, every activist, ‘Maoist’ in order to justify dealing with them in repressive, military fashion. I said the government had expanded the meaning of the word ‘Maoist’ to include everybody who disagreed with it, anybody who dared to talk about justice. I drew attention to the people of Kalinganagar and Jagatsinghpur who were waging peaceful protests but were living under siege, surrounded by hundreds of armed police, were being lathi-charged and fired at. I said that local people thought long and hard before deciding what strategy of resistance to adopt. I spoke of how people who lived deep inside forest villages could not resort to Gandhian forms of protest because peaceful satyagraha was a form of political theatre that in order to be effective, needed a sympathetic audience, which they did not have. I asked how people who were already starving could go on hunger strikes. I certainly never said anything like “it ought to be an armed movement.” (I’m not sure what on earth that means.)

I went on to say that all the various resistance movements today, regardless of their differences, understood that they were fighting a common enemy, so they were all on one side of the line, and that I stood with them. But from this side of the line, instead of only asking the government questions, we should ask ourselves some questions. Here are my exact words:

“I think it is much more interesting to interrogate the resistance to which we belong, I am on this side of the line. I am very clear about that. I don’t care, pick me up, put me in jail. I am on this side of the line. But on this side of the line, we must turn around and ask our comrades questions.”

I then said that while Gandhian methods of resistance were not proving to be effective, Gandhian movements like the Narmada Bachao Andolan had a radical and revolutionary vision of “development” and while the Maoists methods of resistance were effective, I wondered whether they had thought through the kind of “development” they wanted. Apart from the fact that they were against the Government selling out to private corporations, was their mining policy very different from state policy? Would they leave the bauxite in the mountain — which is what the people who make up their cadre want, or would they mine it when they came to power?

I read out Pablo Neruda’s “Standard Oil Company” that tells us what an old battle this one is.

The PTI reporter who had made it a point to take permission from the organizers to record cannot claim his or her version to be a matter of ‘interpretation’. It is blatant falsification. Surprisingly the one-day-old report was published by several newspapers in several languages and broadcast by TV channels on June 4th, many of whose own reporters had covered the event accurately the previous day and obviously knew the report to be false. The Economic Times said: “Publicity seeking Arundhati Roy wants to be Aung San Su Kyi”. I’m curious — why would newspapers and TV channels want to publish the same news twice, once truthfully and then falsely?

That same evening (June 4th), at about seven O’clock, two men on a motorcycle drove up to my home in Delhi and began hurling stones at the window. One stone nearly hit a small child playing on the street. Angry people gathered and the men fled. Within minutes, a Tata Indica arrived with a man who claimed to be a reporter from Zee TV, asking if this was “Arundhati Roy’s house” and whether there had been trouble. Clearly this was a set up, a staged display of ‘popular anger’ to be fed to our barracuda-like TV channels. Fortunately for me, that evening their script went wrong. But there was more to come. On June 5th the Dainik Bhaskar in Raipur carried a news item “Himmat ho to AC kamra chhod kar jungle aaye Arundhati” (If she has the guts Arundhati should leave her airconditioned room and come to the jungle) in which Vishwaranjan, the Director General of Police of Chhattisgarh challenged me to face the police by joining the Maoists in the forest. Imagine that— the police DGP and me, Man to Man. Not to be outdone, a Bharatiya Janata Party leader from Chhattisgarh, Ms Poonam Chaturvedi announced to the press that I should be shot down at a public crossroad, and that other traitors like me should be given the death sentence. (Perhaps someone should tell her that this sort of direct incitement to violence is an offense under the Indian Penal Code.) Mahendra Karma, Chief of the murderous ‘peoples’ militia the Salwa Judum which is guilty of innumerable acts of rape and murder, asked for legal action to be taken against me. On Tuesday June 8th the Hindi daily Nayi Duniya reported that complaints have been filed against me in two separate police stations in Chhattisgarh, Bhata Pada and Teli Bandha, by private individuals objecting to my “open support for the Maoists.

Is this what Military Intelligence calls psyops (psychological operations)? Or is it the urban avatar of Operation Green Hunt? In which a government news agency helps the home-ministry to build up a file on those it wants to put away, inventing evidence when it can’t find any? Or is PTI trying to deliver the more well-known among us to the lynch mob so that the government does not have to risk its international reputation by arresting or eliminating us? Or is it just a way of forcing a crude polarization, a ridiculous dumbing down of the debate—if you’re not with “us” you are a Maoist? Not just a Maoist, but a stupid, arrogant, loudmouthed Maoist. Whatever it is, it’s dangerous, and shameless, but it isn’t new. Ask any Kashmiri, or any young Muslim being held as a “terrorist” without any evidence except baseless media reports. Ask Mohammed Afzal, sentenced to death to “satisfy the collective conscience of society.”

Now that Operation Green Hunt has begun to knock on the doors of people like myself, imagine what’s happening to activists and political workers who are not well known. To the hundreds that are being jailed, tortured and eliminated. June 26th is the thirty-fifth anniversary of the Emergency. Perhaps the Indian people should declare (because the government certainly won’t) that this country is in a state of Emergency. (On second thoughts, did it ever go away?) This time censorship is not the only problem. The manufacture of news is an even more serious one.”

(Quelle: The Dawn.)

Indigene Völker protestieren gegen Uran-Abbau

Donnerstag, Juni 3rd, 2010

“Two statements to UN CSD on Indigenous Peoples & uranium

Published Date: 29-05-2010
Source: Statement
Source Date: 06-05-2010

The following are two civil society statements to the May 2010 UN Commission on Sustainable Development. One of the themes of the meeting was on mining, and its contribution to sustainable development [sic]. There were a number of presentations from multiple stakeholder groups, and two of them (one presented on behalf of the Indigenous Peoples group and another submitted on uranium) are published below.

Next year’s meeting in May 2011 will come up with policy recommendations on the subject. You can find out more, including access to other papers, at www.un.org/esa/dsd/csd/csd_csd18.shtml.

Presentation from Indigenous Peoples Group to UN CSD on thematic session on mining

CSD18 Review Session, Interactive Panel: Thematic Session on Mining 6 May 2010 UN Headquarters, New York Mining and Sustainable Development

Victoria Tauli Corpuz Member, UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues

Executive Director, Tebtebba Foundation (Indigenous Peoples’ International Centre for Policy Research and Education)

Introduction

The topic of this thematic section is on the potential contribution of mining to sustainable development. I would like to address this issue from the perspective of indigenous peoples and also from the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues.

I am an Igorot from the Cordillera Region in the Philippines. My region is where large scale gold, silver and copper mining has been taking place since the 1900s, during the American colonial period, and continues up to the present under the postcolonial governments. Until the early 1980s, almost 75 % of the exports of gold, silver and copper came from my region. The Igorot in Benguet Province are still suffering from the legacy of mining adverse environmental and social impacts. Since mining remains as one of the pillars of economic growth of the Philippine government, mining operations expanded to many parts of the country and in most cases, Indigenous Peoples are the ones most affected as it is in their territories where these minerals are found.

I was also the Chair of the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues from 20052009 and I am on my last term as a member this year. We just finished our two-week session last Friday, April 30. As it has been since the Forum started, issues related to mining were raised many times over during this session. Last year the Forum held an International Expert Group Meeting on Extractive Industries and the report of this can be found in E/C.19/2009/CRP. 8 dated 4 May 2009.

The final report of this 8th Session contained several recommendations which I will talk about later. So much of what I will be talking about comes from my own experiences in my own country and other countries which I visited and the discussions which happened at the Forum in its 9 years of existence and also from the UN Working Group on Indigenous Populations which existed for more than 20 years under the Commission on Human Rights.

The need to differentiate mining activities

I have listened with interest to the opening comments of Member States yesterday. There is a widespread agreement that mining is an essential element of a modern economy. It seems, that we cannot live without it’s products or at least some of them. It is hard to imagine that there is anyone who thinks the human need for gold jewellery outweighs the human need of poor indigenous farmers or hunters and fisher folk to the means to provide food for their families.

Yet when we talk of mining we are carelessly doing it in a generalised way as if all mining had similar benefits and similar impacts. It most clearly does not. Iron ore and copper mining and some others do indeed provide key core raw materials for contemporary production and satisfaction of basic needs. Not that this would make any more acceptable the rights violations that are sometimes associated with these mines. However, by contrast gold mining produces a metal with very limited productive uses and with a vast existing reserve in some central banks. Its extraction and processing is associated with some of the most problematic environmental dangers. Yet over the last 20 years exploration and mining for gold has, with some variations, attracted a disproportionately large amount of total mineral exploration expenditure globally. This currently can be seen as a response to the uncertainty of economic crisis and more generally because gold mining tends to show quicker returns on capital invested and lesser average levels of investment than for the base metals sector.

Uranium, as another example. Uranium mining is not in any sensible discourse — a credible contributor to sustainable development. Its two major uses are first in the production of nuclear weapons (clearly global destruction is not part of any sustainable development strategy. ) |Its other use is in generating nuclear power. Here, from being a discredited and largely abandoned option, following the Three Mile Island and Chernobyl disasters, it has seen a recent resurgence as companies and govts are emboldened by the climate crisis to promote the nuclear option. However there are serious fundamental problems associated with uranium.

First, an estimated 70% of the world’s uranium deposits are located on the lands of indigenous peoples. Uranium mines leave behind huge amounts of “tailings” as radioactive waste. The tailings, contain approximately 80% of the original radioactivity of the ore, with half lives up to 240,000 years. Surely this is the ultimate in unsustainability! Everlasting potentially deadly pollution. There is no means of safe disposal of the tailings, which in many cases are left in the open.

Exposed to wind and rain, and radioactive and poisonous materials are contaminating the surface water, groundwater aquifers, the soil, the air, plants and produce, livestock and wild animals, the air to breathe, and will continue to do so for thousands of years into the future.

The health impacts are serious; leading to elevated rates of cancers. These heightened incidences are not just confined to workers but also affects communities nearby.

In Niger, according to reports from indigenous peoples, uranium mining has already contaminated the groundwater (the level of uranium in the drinking water are 10 110 times as high as the WHO standards), depleted fossil water aquifers which will never be replenished, and the mining company announced officially that their planned new mine will have depleted the local fossil water aquifer about the same time that the uranium deposit will be exhausted. This leaves the Touareg people from those communities with nothing to survive on. We have had several Touareg representatives coming to the Permanent Forum presenting the problems they face with uranium mining. Uranium mining companies have not found any means to solve these problems and to store their wastes in any adequately responsible way. Many uranium and other mining companies have followed a common strategy and gone bankrupt after the deposits were depleted leaving their aftermath to the States to clean up.

In my view the only way forward is a global ban on uranium mining and ensure that the uranium and nuclear industry, monitored by the international community, clean up their aftermath, pay compensation to the victims of their activities and allow for a continued monitoring of the sites in question. And similar efforts are probably the essential minimum if mining is to regain its social licence to operate.

The case of the nuclear industry raises other issues. As I hope we all know in the past and up to the present, indigenous people’s lands and waters have been extensively used as nuclear test sites without regard or in some cases even warning to the traditional owners. These have led to catastrophic consequences such as cancers, blindness, stillbirths and what is now known as jellyfish babies, among others. Within the US, indigenous lands are sometimes chosen as sites for the most dangerous and toxic of industries including nuclear weapon manufacture within the US.

Now some Indigenous Peoples living in remote areas are obliged, even when they have recognition of their rights, to “welcome” such dangerous and polluting industries and dumps because of their absolute poverty and lack of other cash earning opportunities. So some consent to host such facilities and some may even allow mines. If and where this is done consciously clearly it is an exercising of their right to control developments within their own territories. However I think we should all be deeply disturbed by the implications of the toxic materials and poisonous wastes generated by rich industrial societies being dumped upon the poor and marginal whether these be indigenous or not or whether they “consent” to such discriminatory actions. Because such “consent” is clearly in large part an acknowledgement that their acceptance of the toxic waste is based on the desperation of their poverty.

So when we speak of mining then we need to be more differentiating in our assessment. Are we speaking of open pit copper mining, underground mining, mining for iron or for gold or diamonds.

Environmental and Social Impacts

Yesterday I also heard Member States expressing their grave concern that the environmental and social impacts are regrettable and disturbing. But my question to us all is what are we going to do about the clear documented and continuing evidence of the association of some mining activities with grave human rights violations including, the disregard for already adopted international minimum standards for the dignity and welfare of indigenous peoples, such as the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and ILO Convention No. 169?

As I mentioned earlier, in my capacity as Chair of the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues from 20052008 and as a member this year, I have heard numerous and most serious presentations on the impacts of mining on Indigenous Peoples. Some involving violent dispersal, killings, destruction of homes, desecration of sacred sites, the destruction of subsistence economies constituting a threat to life and culture and many more. Without naming names these complaints identify companies small and large, including members of the ICMM which is an alliance, as we heard yesterday, of industry leaders promoting best practice.

The mining industry has an appalling record for environmental and social impacts going back over a long period. Deeply negative impacts from mining have been felt on every continent (so far with the exception of Antarctica). Both past and present mining has generated environmental impacts that include the devastation of river systems and valley peoples like the Ok Tedi and Fly rivers in Papua New Guinea. The impacts of pumping mine waste into these rivers started by BHP (currently the world’s largest mining company) are predicted by scientists to generate pollution of the river system and the poisoning of adjacent forests that are not only killing fish and other life forms in the river but causing die back in surrounding forests that is predicted to grow worse and continue to spread for hundreds of years into the future. Even ancient mining activities can generate lasting negative environmental impacts that persist long after the demise of the people and corporations that caused them.

Aluminium, copper and steel production alone account for more than 7% of global energy consumption. Bauxite is often mined over extensive areas resulting again in the stripping of surface vegetation disruption and pollution of water courses and the common range of both environmental and social impacts. However in addition bauxite processing on average requires 15 kilowatt hours of electricity for each kilo of aluminium produced. Recycling of aluminium however on average requires only approx 5% the energy input of primary production. Recycling of aluminium currently accounts for approximately 1/3 of production. Yet large amounts of recyclable aluminium and other minerals are still lost in landfill. Other recycling efforts also remain underdeveloped.

Additionally according to Citigroup “At higher latitudes, high rainfall may require some operational adjustments, with the integrity of tailings dams being an issue for consideration, and the potential for consequential environmental damage.” The analysts also asserted that “Critical infrastructure such as ports may be at risk from small sea level rises particularly if combined with storm events.”

Other forms of tailings containment may also require a rethink or a ban. Unpredictable weather shifts may also require additional safety measures and expenses in arid and semi arid regions. In high mountain areas there have been some recent attempts to store mine wastes including potentially toxic materials in glaciers. However in the Andes and Central Asia global warming has exposed the short-sightedness and irresponsibility of such claims. Melting glaciers are already posing problems of containment of potential serious pollution.

Despite increased reference to industry best practice, clearly unacceptable and widely banned practices including Riverine and Marine dumping are still continuing. Such practices have resulted in the choking of rivers and inshore waters including corals. Marine dumping has been a source of great controversy and is banned in many states. Companies nonetheless advocate the increased use of marine dumping of mine waste. This despite the fact that we remain unclear about the full role of the sea in maintaining a balance in global climate. Research, however, points to a vital role for small marine organisms as potential absorbers of carbon. Yet large scale pollution of waterways and direct marine dumping are adding to marine pollution and putting marine ecosystems under increased pressure. Marine mining and further dumping is now also developing.

Clean water is a precious and increasingly scarce resource yet it is used in vast quantities in mining even in semi arid and arid regions. Mining in these regions and seasonally dry areas has always posed severe problems. Mining is a massive user of water. The Citigroup analysis of climate change risks to mining suggest “availability of fresh water is critical to most mining and processing operations.” In the USA between 1964 and 2005 Peabody coal has drawn millions of gallons from aquifers under the deserts of the South West that are a main source of drinking water for Navaho people and their stock.

This vital life-giving water was used by Peabody Energy to pump coal in a mixture of gasoline and water in a slurry pipeline operation to transport extracted coal to the Mohave electricity Generating Station in Laughlin Nevada.

The report of the DESA for this Session which is entitled ” Trends in Sustainable Development: Chemicals, Transport, Mining and Waste Management” states that “approximately 10 per cent of active mines and 20 per cent of exploratory sites are located in areas of high conservation value, while nearly 30 per cent of active mines are located in water stressed areas.

The increasing consumption of resources (mostly energy and water) needed to extract metals as well as the pollution generated by the extraction process are main constraints to sustainability of mining”.

Pollution problems due to mining are exacerbating in most mining areas. Direct dumping into rivers is still practised by major companies. The Grasberg mine in West Papua, Indonesia for example produces up to 300,000 tons of waste per day. Which dwarfs the problem of a city even like New York that produces up to 15,000 tonnes per day. Dumping into the ocean has been and is practised despite our lack of knowledge of its full consequences on marine organisms.

Depositing on the land is also practised mostly in arid and semi arid zones. But in this time of climate change and unpredictability this may prove problematic also. Tailings dams are common and numerous but are subject to collapse and breaches. Over past 25 years Philippine mines alone have experienced on average more than 1 serious incident every 2 years. These have included several incidents resulting in deaths from the slides and lasting environmental and economic consequences inundating fields, poisoning rivers etc This is not including the many small spills.

All such waste disposal systems are also confronted by new threats from climate change. Again in the Philippines our best tailings pond (lake better describes it) were built to withstand a 1500 year event. However in the last 10 years the Philippines has recorded an increase in the number and the intensity of typhoons last year two major typhoons hit the northern Philippines within 10 days causing tremendous devastation. Dams were protected by releasing as much material as possible before and during the typhoon.We are increasingly concerned that climate change will make the impacts of mining more severe and the lives of those downstream less secure. Acid mine drainage and other damages to rivers resulting in their death, skin lesions and other health problems for people, fish, livestock caused by downstream pollution of mines, air pollution by dust from the mining operations and many others.

In the 21st century I say frankly that in a time of review and policy recommendations for a sustainable future we have to be more forthright in terms of identifying what the real problems are and make recommendations on how these can be addressed. Majority of the UN member states have obligations under International Human Rights Law and under Multilateral Environmental Agreements which they should meet and compliance with these obligations is one of the steps in addressing issues of human rights violations and adverse environmental and social impacts of mining. Within the framework of CSD, we cannot turn a blind eye to these bad consequences because we are hooked on mining providing a cheap, too cheap perhaps, supply of raw materials.

At the last year’s 8th Session of the Permanent Forum we came up with a recommendation which supported the framework which John Ruggie, the Special Representative of the Secretary General on the issue of Human Rights and Transnational Corporations and other Business Enterprises, developed on Human Rights and Business. This recommendation states;

12. The Permanent Forum supports the conceptual and policy framework proposed by the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on the issue of human rights and transnational corporations and other business enterprises. This framework rests on three pillars: first, the duty of the State to protect against human rights abuses by third parties, including transnational corporations and other business enterprises, through appropriate policies, regulation and adjudication; second, the corporate responsibility to respect human rights, which means acting with due diligence on all matters to avoid infringing on the rights of others; and third, greater access for victims to effective remedies, both judicial and non-judicial. (E/2009/43 E/C.19/2009/14)

I hope the CSD 18th Session and the member states will reiterate this framework and further elaborate on it as it applies to the mining industry. There are other Special Rapporteurs who also made comments on mining and how this affects the right to food and subsistence, housing, freedom of religion, among others. The past and present Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights and fundamental freedoms of indigenous people, (Rodolfo Stavenhagen and James Anaya), also made several references on their annual reports on mining and indigenous peoples.

There are clear signs that the mining industry is moving on in important areas. We would acknowledge that some companies have made welcome advances, for instance in Australia with the employment of Aborigines. These have been conscious policies resulting in significant improvements and benefits for local people. Companies like Rio Tinto and others conduct some trainings on human rights for their staff. This is most welcome as a start and if it could be rolled out elsewhere I think it would be widely welcomed and would contribute positively.

However in the area of respect for basic human rights, the recognition of basic rights like the need to secure the Free Prior and Informed Consent of Indigenous Peoples before operating on their lands, despite discussions and explanations this is not, as I understand FPIC is not yet endorsed to by the ICMM. And the Intergovernmental Forum on Mining and Sustainable Development has had no interaction with the UNPFII nor with UN Special Rapporteur on Indigenous Peoples Rights. Even if this is an intergovernmental forum it should not remain as an exclusive intergovernmental body. The CSD is an example of inclusiveness and this practice should be followed by the IGF.

Some companies have taken the welcome step of announcing their individual commitment to human rights standards and I can quote from the Rio Tinto Annual report for 2009 as one example. It says “Rio Tinto operates in a manner consistent with the UN Declaration on Indigenous Peoples and sovereign obligations. We respect the land connection of indigenous communities and work with them on their land in a spirit of reciprocity, transparency and recognition of their culture…..”

Now there are indigenous brothers and sisters of mine who would dispute if in fact Rio Tinto does fully operate in such a manner. There is a problem we face generally of the absence of credible independent monitoring of corporate behaviour, which means such claims remain unconfirmed. However, I am sure that such commitments are a welcome development in so far as they go and can be, if supported by actions and independent verification the foundation for reductions in conflict and greater mutual respect.

The Rio Summit nearly 20 years ago and Agenda 21 which will soon to be remembered and built on, popularised and inspired millions with its call for sustainable development. The situation was so serious then that there was a willingness to contemplate new and different approaches. For indigenous peoples we were hailed for our sustainable living our walking gently on the earth which is both the philosophy and practice of indigenous societies throughout the world. We were hailed and acknowledged in those documents as a model for the future no longer consigned as so often before into being remnants from the past.

However there is often a gap, a time lag, between words and actions. At the time Indigenous Peoples had been suffering great hardship as the result of the insatiable and unsustainable demands of the global economy. Through logging, mining, industrial fishing and other assaults our praised models of sustainable living were and remain under a severe attack. Indigenous Peoples, who have contributed the least to the generation of these current global economic and ecological crises, are however the first to suffer its impacts and most of the times, left with no recourse or redress. This is because most of us live closely with and depend on nature. Our regard of earth as our mother, which always was the source of our security, now becomes the source of our greater vulnerability as the earth strikes back.

I would like to conclude by reiterating some of the recommendations presented by the indigenous peoples’ major group statement yesterday.

1. The respect for human rights and aspiration for social justice is an essential pillar of our shared striving and vision for sustainable development. It is for Indigenous Peoples, and us all, the foundation of engagement with this multi-stakeholder process.

2. I call on mining corporations both transnational and national, as well as investors for mining (whether institutional or individual) to endorse the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. I recommend that mining Corporations and their associations such as the ICMM and the IGF work with indigenous peoples to elaborate operational guidelines on how to use the UNDRIP in their day to day operations and how to monitor and promote its implementation.

3. Whatever good or best practices there are, in the main, mining is such an unsustainable destructive activity which is why I strongly recommend that stronger regulations in different areas should be done. Voluntarism is not enough given the seriousness of the economic, environmental, social, cultural and spiritual impacts for indigenous peoples. Mining legislation which allows for the unfettered operations of mines should be repealed and revised.

4. One lesson from the financial crisis of great importance is not allowing speculative hot money to force an artificial acceleration of the exhaustion of our natural none renewable resources in mining. Derivatives trading and other speculation against metal ore stocks may damage both the environment and the mining industry.

5. Indigenous Peoples and others deeply affected by mining have raised their complaints in many arenas, whether in the judicial or non-judicial systems. Still there is a limited capacity to respond to such complaints. I strongly recommend that information on channels and mechanisms for complaint, justice and redress at all levels from the local to the global level, be disseminated widely to indigenous peoples and these should be made more accessible to them. Relevant capacity building activities should be done with the support from bilateral donors, intergovernmental bodies and the States.

6. The mining industry and governments have established an intergovernmental panel on mining and sustainable development. However, indigenous and other affected communities are excluded from this body and other bodies like the ICMM. The threats to and opportunities for sustainable development posed by the mining industry require a more balanced standing body representing all concerned sectors to work with independent monitoring structures to present and disseminate in a transparent manner more information on the serious issues concerning mining extraction.

7. The World Bank Group and other international financial institutions should continue to monitor and review their operational directives and safeguard policies pertaining to indigenous peoples in conjunction with existing international standards, especially the right to free, prior and informed consent as required under the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. The Bank should also implement the recommendations of its own Extractive Industries Review. Likewise, other multilateral lending institutions should include the requirement to obtain free, prior and informed consent in their safeguard policies on indigenous peoples’ environments and other concerns.

8. With the changing patterns in sustainable production and consumption, and with consideration of the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities and the ecosystems based approach, all sectors, especially Governments, should actively promote more sustainable ways of life, including those practised by indigenous peoples for generations including small-scale mining. Respect for their traditional knowledge, practices and innovations, and their customary governance systems and laws on extraction of natural resources should be ensured. States, corporations and society at large should work to reduce and promote the reuse, recycling and substitution of metals and minerals help minimize mining and related processing activities which result into toxic wastes. I also recommend that the specific roles and contributions of indigenous women in developing more widespread sustainable production and consumption should be strongly supported.

9. The CSD, corporations and States should operationalize the framework on human rights and business developed by John Ruggie which rests on three pillars: first, the duty of the State to protect against human rights abuses by third parties, including transnational corporations and other business enterprises, through appropriate policies, regulation and adjudication; second, the corporate responsibility to respect human rights, which means acting with due diligence on all matters to avoid infringing on the rights of others; and third, greater access for victims to effective remedies, both judicial and non-judicial.

10. Finally, I reiterate the proposal of the UNPFII which calls on the ICMM to invite the members of the Forum, the affected communities and indigenous experts to visit 10 of their sites which they claim are doing best practice, so they can see and make their own evaluation of these. Then they can use the experience to craft more relevant recommendations for the Policy year in 2011. Thank you very much.
Victoria Tauli Corpuz email: vicky@tebtebba.org website: www.tebtebba.org


Uranium Mining at the UN Committee on Sustainable Development (CSD)

African Uranium Alliance Statement

6 May 2010

New York – In the area of mining, the mining of uranium is a special issue. Uranium is heavy metal which is radioactive, toxic (chemically poisonous) and repro-toxic (toxic / dangerous for the reproduction). Its only uses are for nuclear weapons, including Depleted Uranium weapons, and for the generation of electricity through nuclear power plants.

Nuclear weapons are not desirable; many statements of politicians state that nuclear weapons should be abolished altogether. Nuclear energy is the other use of uranium; although it is often said – and advertised by the nuclear industry – to be a “saviour” from global warming, nuclear energy CANNOT contribute anything substantial to the problem of global warming; this has been shown and proven by different scientific studies.

Approximately 70% of the world’s uranium deposits are located on / under the lands of indigenous peoples. Thus, the rights of indigenous peoples, their land rights, their human rights in terms of health, securing their livelihoods and their means of subsistence, their way of life / their culture are often at stake when dealing with uranium mining.

Uranium mines leave behind huge amounts of “tailings”, radioactive waste due to the fact that uranium is contained in the ore only at 0.1 to 1 or 2 percent. The quantity of the tailings alone is a serious problem.

The tailings, which include solid tailings as well as liquid / slurry, contain approximately 80% of the original radioactivity of the ore – a cocktail of a dozen of radioactive decay products of uranium, with half lives up to 240,000 years – dangerous forever, in human terms. These tailings are in most cases left in the open, exposed to wind and rain, and radioactive and poisonous materials are contaminating the surface water, groundwater aquifers, the soil, the air, plants and produce, livestock and wild animals, the air to breathe, and will continue to do so for thousands of years into the future.

Uranium mining companies have NOT found any means to solve these problems and to dispose of their wastes in any responsible way, and they are NOT living up to their corporate social responsibility to clean up. (In fact, companies rather ‘invest’ in PR and other activities to promote themselves as “good corporate citizens” through sponsorships, donations etc. rather than to deal with reality.)

On the contrary, many uranium mining companies have gone bankrupt after the uranium deposits were depleted – leaving their aftermath to the states / Governments to clean up; in most cases – from the US through Canada to Niger, Namibia, South Africa and to Asian states such as Kazakhstan, the companies have NOT cleaned up or provided for ANY secure methods to deal with the wastes they created.

In addition, attempts to contain the tailings have proven to be ineffective and have been shattered by all kinds of influences, from engineering faults to unforeseen events.

This shows that humankind has NOT found a safe way to deal with the wastes from uranium mining, and that it is virtually impossible to deal with them in way that will assure “safety” for thousands of years.

Based on the track record of companies, as well as on the factual difficulties / impossibility to ‘contain’ uranium mining wastes safely for thousands if years, uranium mining is not – and will never be – a ‘sustainable development’.

The health effects from uranium mining to miners, people living in the vicinity of the mines, are also detrimental, as reports form mines in Namibia and Niger are showing, and reports from former uranium mines confirm the deadly impact (7,000 cases of lung cancer in Germany due to former uranium mines).

The low-level radiation material spilled / emitted by uranium mines will affect many generations to come through damage to the DNA which is passed on from generation to generation. Thus, uranium mining is not – and will never be – a ‘sustainable development’.

At present, uranium mining is pushing ahead with companies targeting countries in Africa – explicitly and for the simple reason that laws and regulations in countries like Australia are considered to be “too sophisticated” for them to operate. Thus, countries on the African continent are “preferred” targets – some do not have any radiation protection laws at all (e.g. Namibia) or they do not have the capacity to monitor (e.g Malawi, Niger) the mines and enforce their laws and regulations.

Uranium mining is by no means a “sustainable development”, but rather subject to “hit and run” policies which has been controlled by uranium mining companies all over the world for many years (as is shown by the many abandoned and un-reclaimed tailings dams evident in all parts of the world).

Finally, in places such as Tanzania and Mali, mining activities are literally destroying existing sustainable economies:

In the Bahi region of Tanzania, referred to as “Bahi swamp”, in reality a rice-growing area, local farmers are effectively growing rice; their fields could potentially be taken over by uranium mining companies and turned into open-pit mines for uranium – thus, destroying the livelihood of people in a country which is struggling for food security. A few more examples of the impact of uranium mining especially on indigenous peoples:

In Namibia, the Topnaar-Nama people living in / near the Namib-Naukluft desert see their livelihood threatened by uranium mining which uses huge amounts of water pumped from the underground aquifers, bringing down the water level so that grass does not grow anymore, trees die, and their livelihood / means of subsistence is being destroyed. In Tanzania, The Wasandawi people, living as hunters and gatherers, in the central part of the country; open-cast uranium mining will destroy their traditionally used lands, uproot their society and destroy their way of life. In Niger, uranium mining has already contaminated the groundwater (the level of uranium in the drinking water 10 – 110 times higher than WHO standard), fossil water aquifers, non-renewable resources, have been depleted and will NEVER BE REPLENISHED.

AREVA a French mining company, announced officially that their planned new mine (Imouraren) will have depleted the local fossil water aquifer about the same time that the uranium deposit will be exhausted – leaving local Touareg people with nothing to survive on. In Malawi, the newly opened Kayelekera Uranium Mine (Paladin Resources, Australia) has claimed the lives of two workers even before the mine opened; the mine and its tailings pose a serious threat to Lake Malawi which is a critical huge freshwater resource in South-East Africa, on which some 3 million people depend; the state / Government of Malawi pointed out that they do NOT have the capacity to monitor the mine, its effluents etc. independently and “trusts” the company to basically monitor itself. The list of the short AND long-term negative impacts of uranium mining could be continued ad infinitum.

The negative and long-term impacts with NO way to resolve them at present, clearly demonstrates that uranium mining is by NO MEANS a sustainable activity. It needs to stop.

As far as South Africa is concerned, we have experienced Acid Mine Drainage (AMD) and the failure to find a solution to acidic and radiotoxic uranium mine tailings impacts that demonstrate that uranium mining can never be sustainable.

More importantly, we find the end-use of uranium — namely, nuclear weapons and depleted uranium ordnance — morally reprehensible and cannot support an industry where the long-term destruction of human life is its overriding purpose. The subsequent cover-up of an overly expensive and dirty civilian nuclear power industry is an equally unacceptable by-product of the weapons industry, when so many healthier and cheaper alternatives to electricity conservation and generation exist.

We conclude that only a global ban on uranium mining, with the uranium and nuclear industry obligated to clean up affected sites, pay compensation to the victims of their activities, and the constant monitoring of the sites in question, help improve, diminish and eliminate the current crises suffered by people and the environment.

AFRICAN URANIUM ALLIANCE
c/o Citizens For Justice-(CFJ) Friends of the Earth, Malawi,
Off Lilongwe-Blantyre Highway, Falls Estate, Plot # 57431, Post Dot Net, Box X100, Crossroads, Lilongwe, Malawi.
Phone: +2651727822 and +2651727828, Fax: +2651727826 Email: reinm@cfjmalawi.org

(Quelle: Mines and Communities.)