Posts Tagged ‘Besatzung’

Israel / Palästina: Demokratie am Scheideweg?

Donnerstag, Juli 31st, 2014

Interview mit Professor Ilan Pappe auf Democracy Now am 28.07.2014

Quelle:
http://www.democracynow.org/2014/7/28/professor_ilan_pappe_israel_has_chosen
Übersetzung:
Anis Hamadeh 29.07.14

Während die Zahl der toten Palästinenser in Gaza die 1000 überschritten hat, ist uns aus Haifa der israelische Professor und Historiker Ilan Pappé zugeschaltet. “Ich glaube, dass Israel 2014 die Entscheidung gefällt hat, dass es lieber ein rassistischer Apartheidstaat ist und keine Demokratie”, sagt Pappé. “Es hofft immer noch, dass die USA diese Entscheidung genehmigen und sie mit Immunität versehen, um so fortzufahren, mit den zwangsläufigen Folgen einer solchen Politik für die Palästinenser, wo sie auch sind.” Pappé, Geschichts-Professor und Direktor des European Centre for Palestine Studies an der Universität Exeter, ist Autor mehrerer Bücher, darunter das aktuelle Werk “The Idea of Israel: A History of Power and Knowledge”.

AMY GOODMAN: Weiter geht es mit unserer Berichterstattung über die Krise in Gaza und wir schalten nach Haifa, Israel, um mit Ilan Pappé zu sprechen, Geschichts-Professor und Direktor des European Centre for Palestine Studies an der Universität Exeter in Großbritannien. Er ist Autor mehrerer Bücher, darunter das aktuelle Werk “The Idea of Israel: A History of Power and Knowledge”, und ist uns jetzt über Democracy-Now!-Videostream aus Haifa zugeschaltet. Willkommen bei Democracy Now!, Professor Pappé. Derzeit sind über tausend Palästinenser getötet worden, sowie ich glaube, die Zahl ist 45 israelische Soldaten, und drei Zivilisten wurden in Israel getötet. Können Sie über die letzten Waffenstillstandsverhandlungen sprechen und darüber, was Ihrer Ansicht nach geschehen muss?

ILAN PAPPÉ: Ich freue mich, in Ihrer Sendung zu sein, Amy. An Ort und Stelle gibt es keine Anzeichen für einen Waffenstillstand. Derzeit gibt es sozusagen zwei konkurrierende Initiativen: die ägyptisch-israelische Initiative, die im Grunde der Hamas eine Rückkehr zum Status Quo diktieren will, und die im Grunde alles, für das die Hamas gekämpft hat, an den Rand drängen und ignorieren will. Dann ist da eine seriösere Bemühung, die Außenminister John Kerry versucht hat nach vorn zu bringen, mit Hilfe der Qataris und der Türken, um zu versuchen, wenigstens einige der Punkte zu berücksichtigen, die der derzeitigen Welle von Gewalt zu Grunde liegen. Doch bis jetzt hat keine der beiden Initiativen die Lage vor Ort beeinflusst, abgesehen von einer kleinen Feuerpause in den letzten Stunden im Vergleich zu den letzten zwanzig Tagen.

AMY GOODMAN: Es gab Proteste in Tel Aviv. Wie viele Menschen kamen zu diesen Protesten, auch in Haifa, an diesem Wochenende? Haben Sie an den Protesten in Haifa teilgenommen, Professor Pappé?

ILAN PAPPÉ: Ja, ja, das habe ich. In Haifa waren es ungefähr 700 Menschen, in Tel Aviv 3000. Man muss natürlich dazu sagen, dass eine große Zahl der Demonstranten palästinensische Bürger Israels sind. Die Zahl der israelischen Juden, die mutig genug sind, um rauszugehen und zu demonstrieren, ist also noch geringer als diese Zahlen nahelegen. Außerdem stießen sie auf sehr bösartige Reaktionen von rechten Demonstranten und wurden sehr hart von der Polizei angegangen.

AMY GOODMAN: Was denken Sie ist das wichtigste, das man über diesen Konflikt wissen muss?

ILAN PAPPÉ: Ich denke, das wichtigste ist der historische Kontext. Wenn man der Mainstream-Berichterstattung über die Situation in Gaza zuhört, bekommt man den Eindruck, dass alles mit unvernünftigen Raketenabschüssen auf Israel von der Hamas begonnen hat. Dabei werden zwei elementare geschichtliche Hintergründe ausgelassen. Der ganz unmittelbare geht zurück auf den Juni dieses Jahres, als Israel sich dazu entschieden hat, gewaltsam zu versuchen, die Hamas in der Westbank politisch zu zerstören und die Versuche der palästinensischen Einheitsregierung zu vereiteln, eine internationale Kampagne voranzubringen, um Israel auf der Basis der Maßgaben von Menschenrechten und Bürgerrechten zur Verantwortung zu ziehen. Der tiefere historische Kontext ist die Tatsache, dass der Gazastreifen, beziehungsweise die Menschen im Gazastreifen seit 2005 als Kriminelle eingekerkert sind, und ihr einziges Verbrechen besteht darin, Palästinenser an einem geopolitischen Ort zu sein, von dem Israel nicht weiß, wie es damit umgehen soll. Und als sie demokratisch jemanden gewählt haben, der gelobt hat, gegen diese Ghettoisierung oder diese Belagerung zu kämpfen, reagierte Israel mit voller Stärke. Dieser weitere historische Kontext zeigt, dass es sich um den verzweifelten Versuch handelt, aus dieser Situation, von der Ihr voriger Interview-Partner gesprochen hat, herauszukommen. Um diesen Kontext geht es hier, er ist also lösbar. Die Situation kann gelöst werden, indem man die Belagerung beendet, indem man den Menschen in Gaza zugesteht, mit ihren Brüdern und Schwestern in der Westbank verbunden zu sein, und indem man ihnen erlaubt, mit der Welt verbunden zu sein und nicht unter Umständen zu leben, die niemand sonst in der Welt zu diesem Zeitpunkt zu durchleben scheint.

AMY GOODMAN: Professor Pappé, am Wochenende berichtete der BBC-Korrespondent Jon Donnison darüber, dass Israel zugegeben haben soll, dass die Hamas für die Tötung der drei israelischen Teenager in der Westbank im Juni nicht verantwortlich war. Auf Twitter sagte Donnison, dass der israelische Polizeisprecher Micky Rosenfeld ihm erzählte, dass die Verdächtigen des Mordes an den drei Teenagern zu einer vereinzelten Zelle gehörten, die zwar der Hamas angegliedert ist, aber nicht unter ihrer Führung arbeitet. Was sagt das aus?

ILAN PAPPÉ: Es sagt sehr viel aus, denn das war den Israelis natürlich von dem Moment an bekannt, als sie von dieser Entführung erfuhren und der Ermordung der drei jungen Siedler. Es war sehr deutlich, dass Israel nach einem Vorwand gesucht hat, um eine Militäroperation in Westbank und Gaza zu beginnen und so die Situation in Palästina wiederherzustellen, die während des gescheiterten Friedensprozesses herrschte, mit einer Art von gutem Aufenthaltsort (? “good domicile”) der Westbank und dem Gazastreifen -, um nicht weiter darüber nachdenken zu müssen und die Kolonisierung der Westbank voranbringen zu können, ohne irgendetwas an der Einstellung oder Politik zu ändern. Die Bedrückung in der Westbank, die Frustration, die Wut, besonders im Mai 2014, über die Ermordung fünf junger Palästinenser von der israelischen Armee, hat sich in dieser lokalen Tat entladen, dieser lokalen Initiative, die nichts mit der Stategie der Hamas zu tun hatte, die willens war, Abu Mazen Spielraum zu gewähren, um eine Einheitsregierung zu bilden und die neue Initiative zu probieren: sich an die UNO wenden, an internationale Instanzen, um Israel zur Rechenschaft zu ziehen für mehr als 46 Jahre der Kolonisierung und Besatzung. Der Fall zeigt also deutlich die Verbindung zwischen einem Vorwand und einer Politik und Strategie, die jetzt in Gaza ein solches Blutbad angerichtet hat.

AMY GOODMAN: Schließlich, Professor Pappé: Sie haben jahrelang in Israel als Professor gearbeitet. Sie haben Israel verlassen und lehren jetzt an der Universität Exeter in Großbritannien. Sie sind nach Haifa zurückgekehrt. Sehen Sie eine Veränderung in Ihrem Land?

ILAN PAPPÉ: Ja, leider, eine Veränderung zum Schlechten. Ich denke, Israel steht an einem Scheideweg, aber es hat sich bereits entschieden, in welche Richtung es weitergehen soll. Es stand am Scheideweg, wo es sich schließlich entscheiden musste, ob es eine Demokratie sein will oder ein rassistischer Apartheidsstaat, sieht man auf die Realitäten vor Ort. Ich glaube, dass Israel 2014 die Entscheidung gefällt hat, dass es lieber ein rassistischer Apartheidstaat ist und keine Demokratie. Es hofft immer noch, dass die USA diese Entscheidung genehmigen und sie mit Immunität versehen, um so fortzufahren, mit den zwangsläufigen Folgen einer solchen Politik für die Palästinenser, wo sie auch sind.

AMY GOODMAN: Was denken Sie sollten die USA tun?

ILAN PAPPÉ: Nun, die USA sollten die grundsätzlichen Definitionen von Demokratie auf Israel anwenden und erkennen, dass sie ein Regime bedingungslos unterstützen, das systematisch die Menschen- und die Bürgerrechte eines jeden Menschen zwischen Jordan und Mittelmeer missbraucht, der nicht Jude ist. Wenn Amerika solche Regime klar unterstützen will, in der Vergangenheit ist das geschehen bitteschön. Aber wenn es meint, dass es eine andere Botschaft in den Nahen Osten bringen will, dann hat es wirklich eine andere Vorstellung von den Menschenrechten.

AMY GOODMAN: Wir haben noch zwei Sekunden.

ILAN PAPPÉ: Ja, Menschenrechte und Bürgerrechte in Palästina.

 

(Quelle: Anis Online.)

 

Anmerkung

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Israel / Palästina: … und KEINEr geht hin!

Montag, März 10th, 2014

“FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE:
2014-03-08

50 Young Israelis Send a Letter to Netanyahu:
“We Refuse to Serve in the Occupation Army”

Yesterday morning, dozens of young Israelis sent Prime Minister, Binyamin Netanyahu, a letter in which they declared their refusal to serve in the Israeli military[*]. This is the largest group of Israeli draft refusers in the history of Israel; it is the first act of its kind in five years, but follows a long tradition of communal conscientious objection. The current Israeli government is trying to widen the army draft to all ethnic groups within Israel against their will and young people from all over the country are reacting by refusing to serve in the Israeli Army.
The purpose of this statement is to protest against the ongoing occupation of Palestinian territories where, according to the signatories “human rights are violated and acts defined by international law as war-crimes are perpetuated on a daily basis.” They are also protesting the way in which the army influences civilian life, deepening the sexism, militarism, violence, inequality and racism present in Israeli society.
Mandy Cartner, a 16 years old signatory from Tel Aviv said: `The actions of the army distance us from finding a solution and from creating peace, justice and security. My refusal is a way of expressing my opposition to the wrongs done daily in our name and through us.`
Shaked Harari, a 17 years old signatory from Bat Yam, said: `The army serves the people in power and not the civilians, who are only a tool. My friends and I refuse to be cannon fodder.`
Roni Lax, a 20 year old signatory from Bnei Brak: “We stand in solidarity with the ultra-orthodox youth and the Arab youth – Christian and Druze, some of whom are currently in an army prison.”

Contact Info:

Dafna Rothstein Landman – 0522470123 – dafna.e.r.l@gmail.com

Itamar Bellaiche – 0547484248 – itabellaiche@gmail.com

[*] The following is their statement:

`We, citizens of the state of Israel, are designated for army service.

We appeal to the readers of this letter to set aside what has always been taken for granted and to reconsider the implications of military service.
We, the undersigned, intend to refuse to serve in the army and the main reason for this refusal is our opposition to the military occupation of Palestinian territories. Palestinians in the occupied territories live under Israeli rule though they did not choose to do so, and have no legal recourse to influence this regime or its decision-making processes. This is neither egalitarian nor just. In these territories, human rights are violated, and acts defined under international law as war-crimes are perpetuated on a daily basis. These include assassinations (extrajudicial killings), the construction of settlements on occupied lands, administrative detentions, torture, collective punishment and the unequal allocation of resources such as electricity and water. Any form of military service reinforces this status quo, and, therefore, in accordance with our conscience, we cannot take part in a system that perpetrates the above-mentioned acts.
The problem with the army does not begin or end with the damage it inflicts on Palestinian society. It infiltrates everyday life in Israeli society too: it shapes the educational system, our workforce opportunities, while fostering racism, violence and ethnic, national and gender-based discrimination.
We refuse to aid the military system in promoting and perpetuating male dominance. In our opinion, the army encourages a violent and militaristic masculine ideal whereby `might is right`. This ideal is detrimental to everyone, especially those who do not fit it. Furthermore, we oppose the oppressive, discriminatory, and heavily gendered power structures within the army itself.
We refuse to forsake our principles as a condition to being accepted in our society. We have thought about our refusal deeply and we stand by our decisions.
We appeal to our peers, to those currently serving in the army and/or reserve duty, and to the Israeli public at large, to reconsider their stance on the occupation, the army, and the role of the military in civil society. We believe in the power and ability of civilians to change reality for the better by creating a more fair and just society. Our refusal expresses this belief.
For details:

Dafna Rothstein Landman – 0522470123 – dafna.e.r.l@gmail.com

Itamar Bellaiche – 0547484248 – itabellaiche@gmail.com ”

 

(Quelle: Occupation Magazin)

Israel: Route 443

Dienstag, März 19th, 2013

“On the bus to Israeli apartheid

The separate bus lines for Palestinians that went into operation on Monday recall racial segregation in the United States and are bringing Israel closer to apartheid.

By
| Mar.04, 2013 | 3:15 PM

Palestinian laborers waiting for an Afikim bus to take them to central Israel.

A Palestinian laborer boards a bus to work in central Israel, at the Eyal crossing in the West Bank, March 4, 2013. (Photo by Moti Milrod)

In 1896 the United States Supreme Court handed down one of its most shameful decisions in the case of Plessy v. Ferguson, rejecting the argument that the segregation between whites and blacks on trains in the state of Louisiana violated the principle of equality.

"We consider the underlying fallacy of the plaintiff’s argument,” the court wrote in words that today are considered to be one of the most embarrassing moments in U.S. judicial history, “to consist in the assumption that the enforced separation of the two races stamps the colored race with a badge of inferiority. If this be so, it is not by reason of anything found in the act, but solely because the colored race chooses to put that construction upon it."

The U.S. Supreme Court did not reject the notion that "separate but equal" can indeed be equal until more than half a century later. In the landmark case of Brown v. Board of Education, in 1954, it ruled that racial segregation in public schools violated the principle of equality before the law.

It took another two years before the change came to public transportation in the United States. On December 1, 1955 a black woman named Rosa Parks was arrested after refusing to give up her seat in the "colored" section of a crowded public bus in Montgomery, Alabama to a white passenger. The incident was the catalyst for the Montgomery Bus Boycott, a formative event of the U.S. civil rights movement. It led to the Supreme Court’s 1956 decision extending the prohibition of segregation to public transportation and thereby reversing its 1896 ruling in Plessy v. Ferguson.

In Israel, in contrast, we have returned through the time tunnel to 1896: Palestinians are being directed off public buses in the West Bank, and on Monday, the Transportation Ministry introduced separate bus lines for Palestinians, to keep Palestinians who are traveling to work in Israel from riding the same bus lines as Jews.

The ministry, in a statement reminiscent of the U.S. Supreme Court circa 1896, says the lines are aimed at relieving the distress of the Palestinian workers.

In 2009 the High Court of Justice struck down a prohibition barring Palestinians from Route 443, a main artery of transportation between Jerusalem and central Israel, and restricting its use to Jewish settlers.

In its decision the High Court said that had this been the road’s purpose, the Israel Defense Forces would not have been allowed to build it: International law forbids the army of an occupying power from planning and building road networks intended for its own citizens and not the inhabitants of the occupied territory.

Differing circumstances aside, the policy reversed by the High Court in the case of Route 443 is similar to the Transportation Ministry’s new policy regarding certain bus lines, insofar as both involve the development of a means of transportation for the citizens of the occupying state and its separation from the local population. This violates the rules of international law whereby occupation is a temporary situation only, and the occupying power must administer the territory for the benefit of the local population.

In this sense the bus issue is only one more component of Israel’s de facto annexation of the territories, an annexation accompanied by the creation of a regime of segregation – which is of course unequal – between Jews and Palestinians.

In her ruling on Route 443, then-Supreme Court President Dorit Beinisch commented that the petitioners’ equation of the use of separate roads with South Africa’s former apartheid policy was inappropriate.

But even if there are differences between the situation in the territories and the legal definition of apartheid, the bus segregation is another characteristic of a regime based on the separation of residence, movement and laws in accordance with the origin of the populations, and as such it brings Israel one step closer to apartheid (…).”

Weiterlesen…

 

(Quelle: Haaretz.com)

Palästina: Besatzungsalltag

Donnerstag, November 29th, 2012

“We are being slaughtered with a rusty knife

With Isa and Eid in Nabi Samuel النبي صموئيل

By Aya Kaniuk. Translated by Tal Haran 27.11. 2012

One clod of earth after another, tirelessly, the occupation forces try to remove the remaining inhabitants of Nabi Smauil from their land. And successfully, at that.
Despite the sumud – holding on – and the village myth about the dog of Hajje Shukriya who wouldn’t leave the house in spite of the bulldozers that demolished it and was buried under the rubble, and despite the heart-rending determination of Isa and ‘Id and all the rest.

On October 31st, in the morning, the occupation forces came again to demolish at Nabi Samauil, destroying ‘Id’s storerooms and his uncle Isa’s sheep pen.

We drove there on the morrow, coming from Jerusalem on road no. 436 and turning right towards the village. At the junction stands a sign saying ‘Tomb of the prophet Samuel’, with an arrow pointing uphill. No sign with the name of the village, Nabi Samauil. Every few years the villagers do try to put up a sign naming their village, and the occupation forces inevitably take it down. Perhaps if the village will have a name, the authorities could not claim it doesn’t exist.

We climbed on with the road and reached the lot where Jews coming to Samuel’s Tomb park their cars. Through the gate the mosque of Nabi Smauil is visible. This was the heart of the village in the past, until nearly completely ruined in March 1971.

We turned right again towards the present village. On our left, a large handsome house – home of the village elder, mukhtar, who collaborates with the Israeli authorities. The road to the village is a shambles and filled with potholes. The villagers have tried time and again to repave it. But the occupation forces do not allow them to do so. Again and again they demolished the infrastructure, and confiscated materials. Now, after the villagers have been forbidden to leave Nabi Samuil in their private vehicles, they no longer even try.

‘Id welcomed us. A soft but bold man. He sits next to the grocery shop of his brother Kamal who died last week following failed heart surgery. Fills his place.
Tamar and I first made the acquaintance of Kamal and Id and Isa and Hajje Shukriya several years ago. Since then we have been there close by and witnessed the demolition of Isa’s son’s kitchen, and then the house-roof of Mohammad, Kamal’s nephew.
We were also there when the occupation forces appeared one night and counted all who were present at the village at the time, and removed all the rest from the inhabitants’ list so that from that moment on they would not ever be allowed into their homes again.
We accompanied Kamal, furious and pleading, his heart breaking time and again, when time and again his vegetable stand was destroyed where he tried to sell at the village entrance. At a certain point he reached the hospital, after soldiers turned all of his green ware to the ground, because he yelled “No!” and looked straight at them. And then the soldiers beat him until he fell. So Kamal died last week after undergoing heart surgery. One person less on the village roster, the village the authorities are tirelessly determined to wipe off the face of the earth. The village and the villagers.

They came last night at nine thirty, Id told us as soon as we sat down beside him.
The DCO, with soldiers of the Border Patrol and Shabak (Secret Service), maybe ten jeeps. As usual.
No, we were not notified.
I was sitting at home, and suddenly heard cars. I looked through the window and saw jeeps, and soldiers walking around. Some were already standing at the back of my house. Some on the way. But I wasn’t thinking of demolition at all. I thought they came to take me or my son. So I hurried out and they said, “What’s the problem?”
They’re in my own yard, and they’re asking me what’s the problem…
I asked who the officer was, but before they answered I saw Micha. When I saw Micha I knew… Micha, he’s their guy in charge of house demolitions. I went to him.
He said, “Is that nice?” pointing at the horse’s stall. “Does that look nice, like that?”
He keeps saying that in our village. Is that nice? Is that nice? Making fun of us.
What has nice got to do with anything? If he thinks something doesn’t look nice he should give us a permit, we’ll build in marble.

Two free cows approached us and stood still. And left again. They seemed restless and it was strange. Their stall has been demolished, ‘Id explained. So they have no shade. Poor cows. They’re looking for shade. It’s a mother and a daughter, he added. And you could really tell.

They don’t let us work, ‘Id continued, they won’t let us have an entry permit to go to work. And they won’t let us build a home for our animals. After all we keep animals in order to eat. Because we have no work and no livelihood. That’s what I told Micha, too.
He said to me, get a permit. I told him, I’ve been in your office twenty times, and got no permit. You are in charge here: give me a permit.
You see? They never have. All my life I have not received a single permit for anything. Not for a roof. Not for a barrack. Not for a room for my son. Since they demolished the village they never gave any permits. Since 1971. Only to the Mukhtar.

We already know from the past that only the collaborator and his family can build without the occupation forces demolishing their houses. The one who sells the others for his own gain. Counterfeits claims on the land.

Only he got a permit. (Id’s mouth trembled as he spoke). We didn’t. None of us. Nothing at all.

So we’ll go on building. What can we do…

It was hard this time, he added. We’ve grown accustomed to everything, and then it gets harder. There was teargas. They gassed us. Not exactly gas. It was that yellow stuff. Pepper. Straight in our faces.
You were gassed?
What happened was that many of my family went outside. My brother, and his kids and the kids of my older brother. And the kids of my sister Aida. And Raida’s kids. And the soldiers said not to get close to them. That’s forbidden. So we didn’t.
And then Isa came. And the tractors. And they started. First they destroyed the horse’s stall. It’s been there for six years already. And another shack that has been there for two years. And while they demolished, we did nothing. Just looked on.
For a moment he paused, as if conceptualizing it all again. His eye is very red. He saw our look and said, this is from yesterday. From the pepper spray. For another moment he collected himself, and continued. So after they demolished my stall they went to Isa to destroy his animal stall. Isa started yelling at Micha and swearing at them. So the soldiers began to beat Isa up. I was further away then so I ran over. And so did his daughter. And my brother’s kids. We all tried to protect Isa. Because Isa has had heart surgery. The kind Kamal died of. And he gets very excited. Just two years ago Isa had his animal stall demolished. And just then it snowed so the animals gave birth in the snow, in the water, and all the young ones died. Remember? And we nodded, remembering. We also remembered how hard it was for Isa back then too.
So he is angry. And not young, Isa… And the soldiers jump him. We tried to move the soldiers away. Just to stand so he wouldn’t be beaten up. So they started beating us all up. And they started with that gas. Everyone who the soldiers noticed got gassed in the face. Pepper like.

It is horrible, that gas. Right away you can’t do a thing. You fall to the ground, and it burns. You feel you’re losing your eyes. And you can’t breathe. And it hurts. Terribly.

I didn’t know such pain existed.
And then I don’t know, I was on the ground, and my vision started coming back. And suddenly I saw that another of my relatives was being beaten up by four or five soldiers.

I got up like crazy. I went over there and made them leave him, let him run away from the soldiers. The soldiers wanted to gas me again but I threw myself on the ground so they’d leave me alone.
And the soldiers hit with their hands, and also with their guns. And everyone’s shouting.
They broke my older nephew’s arm. With the butt of a gun. He spent the night in the hospital. In Ramallah. They cut his arm and broke the bone too. And the pepper stuck to the skin of his whole body. I talked to him now, this morning. He can’t see. Can’t move. Has pains in his arm.

Isa just arrived and sat beside us. His eyes too are still red from yesterday, from the pepper spray. Eight people were hospitalized yesterday from what the soldiers did to us. All family, ‘Id went on. Yes, Isa added. My daughter too. Poor girl. She had it bad. She was sprayed too. Went to the hospital yesterday. The older one who takes care of her mother. My wife went too, says Id. Yes… But we didn’t stay there in the hospital. Only my nephew. But now it’s better, added these determined, polite people.

And then Isa asked us how are things. And we talked about the state of things in general. About the occupation. About the weather and his health. And other things. And we were also quiet. And he said, they’re slaughtering us with a rusty knife, not a sharp one.
And he raised his hands in the air in a gesture that led nowhere. And then his hands sank again.

Some more time went by, I don’t remember with what we filled it, and then we got up all of us and went to see for ourselves what had happened. The devastation hurts the eyes. Both from bygone days and from yesterday.
On our way we saw the room Isa had built for his son and was destroyed by the occupation forces two years ago, and the ruined kitchen roof, and then we saw the fruit of the latest demolition. What used to be barracks. Embarrassed piles of stone and tin and planks. One could not possibly imagine what had been there. Suddenly we detected a part of the sheep-feed device, and shifted our gaze for a moment. For the reality of it all struck us in one blow. And then we looked again.

What do you want from our life? That’s what I said to Micha, ‘Id said. But Micha didn’t answer. And he wouldn’t. But I know what they want. They want us to leave here.
And we didn’t say a thing, Tamar and I. For it’s true, after all. It’s all geared to one thing only. To remove the three-hundred villagers who remain in this village in every way that history allows.

Here, look, Isa pointed at another crushed pile. More unidentified rubble. What do they care about the fence. This surrounded the animal stall.
I didn’t start up with you. They did. They came to me, not I to them. His voice contains a despair that seeks meaning.
This is a green fence. Look, it’s actually green… After all they declared this area a national park. So we wouldn’t build. It’s not a national park for the settler, only for us. But if it’s a national park, isn’t green right? Why would they destroy the fence? I don’t understand. It cost me more than the barrack.
And they didn’t just demolish, they crushed it all. The tin, again and again. So we won’t be able to use it ever again. And we saw. Whole piles of ruins. Crushed, wrinkled pieces of tin.

How much effort, we thought, exerted to deny people food. To exhaust them. To make them miserable. How much determination and dedication. Sense of purpose. How tireless, this sinister job.

Here was the pipe. Isa pointed at some other crushed object. When I realized they were going to destroy the sewage pipe I stood facing the tractor. What do they care about the sewage?
They won’t let us have sanitation in the village. It’s forbidden. We’re forbidden to build a sanitation system. They say it’s a nature reserve. But if we are not allowed to have sanitation, then we build this way, above ground. Can people live without sanitation?
I told the tractor, don’t run it over. So he did. Ran over the pipe. So I began to curse: Whores, idiots, thieves, murderers, may you die, I’ll ruin your own house. Not a swearword was left unsaid. You see, when you get so mad you don’t know what you’re saying. I don’t even remember what I said yesterday because I spoke so much. So then one of those criminals said about my swearing: “We speak respectfully”.

I told him, go to hell with your respect.
They speak respectfully but do things disrespectfully, Tamar says.
Exactly, Isa laughs. He respects me with words and disrespectfully ruins my place.
He says how are you Isa and thinks that’s fine and then demolishing is also fine.
Only swearing is wrong, for him.
So don’t honor me. Don’t even get close to me.
I don’t want to know you.
And we all laughed.

Finally we all went back to Isa’s place. We drank coffee that one of his daughters-in-law brought us, wife of the son who was in jail not long ago because he was caught trying to work in Jerusalem. And now he’s already out.
We sat there some more. They, who are caged in. We, who can enter Nabi Samauil as often as we like.

We, and not Isa’s daughter – who married and was registered with a different address in her ID so she can no longer enter the village to visit. While we, who are not Palestinians, can. Precisely because of that.

They don’t want us to live, that’s their point. Not to be… No longer to exist in this world. Isa’s voice was withdrawn. It was difficult to look at him. With his strong body. The body of a man who has tilled the land all his life. And his strong, calloused hands.

And I wondered, not for the first time, how long will Isa be able to go on saying in this obstinate innocence of his that they will never make him leave his land.

What hurts me most in my heart is that they turn us into thieves. They make us criminals Said Isa after another pleasant silence in which we sipped tea quietly and dreamt. If they would give us permits of course we would request permits. If they would let us work we would use their way to go work. But they don’t. They won’t let us build nor work and I do what I can so I’d have food in the village with my animals but they don’t let me do that either. They do it on purpose. To get us away from here. They know that we’ll build even though they don’t give us permits. And they wait for us to build. Because we have no other choice. And then they will come and demolish by their law what we built. They will demolish our village and our lives, by their law.
By law.

The last sight of Nabi Samauil was of the two cows. The older and the younger. Moving back and forth in this miserable village, looking for shade, and there is none.”


 


 


 


 

(Quelle: mahsanmilim.com)

Israel: amnesty antijüdisch?

Donnerstag, November 1st, 2012

“Israeli authorities must release Palestinian prisoner of conscience in West Bank

1 November 2012

Nariman Tamimi, Bassem's wife said that "the police were brutal" during his arrest

Nariman Tamimi, Bassem’s wife said that “the police were brutal” during his arrest

© Private

The Israeli military authorities must end their campaign of harassment, intimidation and arbitrary detention against a Palestinian activist in the occupied West Bank, Amnesty International said.

Bassem Tamimi, who has been detained since his arrest at non-violent protest against the encroachment of Israeli settlers onto Palestinian land last week, faces a further prison sentence after appearing before the Ofer Military Court on Wednesday.

“Once again, Bassem Tamimi is being held solely for peacefully exercising his rights to freedom of expression and assembly. We believe he is a prisoner of conscience and should be released immediately and unconditionally,” said Ann Harrison, Deputy Middle East and North Africa Programme Director at Amnesty International.

Tamimi was arrested on 24 October following a non-violent demonstration in a supermarket in Sha’ar Benjamin settlement north of Ramallah. More than 100 protesters had gathered to call for an end to the occupation and a boycott of all Israeli products.

He faces charges of assaulting a police officer, participation in an unlicensed demonstration, and activity against the public order.

If convicted of either of the latter two “offences”, he will also have to serve one or more suspended sentences from a previous trial: two months for participation in an unlicensed demonstration, and 17 months for “activity against the public order”.

After viewing footage of the protest, the military judge ruled that he should be released to house arrest for the duration of legal proceedings. The military prosecution is appealing this decision, and he remains at Ofer prison.

Tamimi was previously sentenced in May 2012 to 13 months in prison for his role in organizing regular non-violent protests against Israeli settlements in the West Bank. At the time, Amnesty International considered him to be a prisoner of conscience, and called for his immediate and unconditional release. 
The establishment and expansion of Israeli settlements in the occupied West Bank violates international humanitarian law.

Violent arrest

According to eyewitness and media reports, as the protesters left the supermarket on 24 October they were beaten by Israeli police and security forces who also fired stun grenades.

Bassem’s wife Nariman Tamimi attended the protest and told Amnesty International: “The police were brutal during the arrest. They threw Bassem on the ground and pressed him down while putting the cuffs on his hands. Anyone who tried to approach them was beaten up. The police seemed scared and nervous. They wanted to make arrests fast.”

Despite the police use of unnecessary and excessive force, the military prosecution has charged Bassem Tamimi with assault, based on the testimony of one police officer who alleges that the activist hit him on the hand.

Amnesty International spoke to witnesses and reviewed numerous videos from the protest, and found no evidence that he or the other protesters used violence. Tamimi is committed to non-violent resistance and has a long record of peaceful protest. Another Palestinian protester, now released on bail, faces similar charges.

Tamimi managed to contact his wife after his arrest.

“He still had his phone with him, he told me that he was in a cell somewhere, and he said that he felt like there was something broken in chest, he said ‘I cannot move or breathe and I am very tired’. Then they took the phone away so we could not talk more,” she told Amnesty International.

Encroachment of settlers

Bassem Tamimi is from the West Bank village of al-Nabi Saleh, 21km northwest of Ramallah.

In July 2008 Israeli settlers from nearby Halamish began to use the Qaws spring, which is on al-Nabi Saleh land and used to irrigate crops there and in the nearby village of Deir Nitham. In February 2009 settlers began to build structures on the spring site.

The Palestinians complained that settlers were building on private Palestinian land, and that the work damaged other property including trees. Israeli police routinely close Palestinian complaints against settlers due to “lack of evidence”.

Israel’s Civil Administration, the military body which controls most of the West Bank, prohibits Palestinians from visiting the Qaws spring site in groups and on Fridays, while settlers are allowed unfettered access.

Ongoing demonstrations

Weekly demonstrations began on 9 December 2009. Every Friday residents of al-Nabi Saleh and solidarity activists gather around noon in the village centre and march peacefully towards the spring. They have been met repeatedly with unnecessary and excessive force by the Israeli army including the use of stun grenades, pepper spray, batons and guns.
 
Demonstrations are dispersed as soon as they begin and are usually not allowed to reach the spring. The Israeli army raids the village regularly, usually during the night, and conducts house searches and arrests, including the arrest of children under the age of 15.

Israeli military laws in place in the West Bank impose sweeping and arbitrary restrictions on freedom of expression and peaceful assembly, requiring people to obtain advance permission from the Israeli military for any proposed gathering of 10 or more persons “for a political purpose of for a matter that could be interpreted as political”.

Nariman Tamimi told Amnesty International that in al-Nabi Saleh and all areas where there is popular resistance, police use extreme violence, noting that “there is nothing [to the protests] except that you chant and express your opinion.”

As one of the organizers of the al-Nabi Salneh protests and a coordinator of the village’s popular committee, Bassem Tamimi and his family have been the target of harsh treatment by the Israeli army.

Since the demonstrations began, his house has been raided and ransacked numerous times. His wife has been arrested twice and two of his children have been injured – Wa’ed was in hospital for five days after he was hit in the leg by a rubber bullet and Mohammed was injured by a tear-gas canister that was shot directly at him and hit him in the shoulder.

Bassem Tamimi has been arrested by the Israeli army 11 times to date, though he has only once been convicted by a military court – on charges that Amnesty International believes were unfounded.”

 

(Quelle: amnesty international.)

EU / Israel: Legal, illegal, schei…

Dienstag, Oktober 30th, 2012

“Handel gegen Frieden

Wie Europa zur Erhaltung illegaler israelischer Siedlungen beiträgt

Die Europäische Union importiert fünfzehn mal mehr aus Israels illegalen Siedlungen in den besetzten palästinensischen Gebieten als von Palästinensern selbst, enthüllt heute ein neuer Bericht einer Koalition von zweiundzwanzig Organisationen aus elf europäischen Ländern einschließlich medico international.

Der Bericht mit dem Titel „Handel gegen Frieden – wie Europa zur Erhaltung illegaler israelischer Siedlungen beiträgt“ vergleicht erstmalig vorliegende Exportdaten aus israelischen Siedlungen und von Palästinensern und hebt damit die Widersprüchlichkeit im Herzen der EU-Politik hervor. Die EU erklärt, dass Siedlungen illegal sind unter internationalem Recht, ein Hindernis für den Friedensprozess darstellen und drohen die Zwei-Staaten-Lösung unmöglich zu machen. Dennoch ist die EU weiterhin der Hauptimporteur von Siedlungsprodukten. Die meisten EU-Mitgliedsstaaten haben es versäumt sicherzustellen, dass Produkte in den Läden korrekt gekennzeichnet sind, so dass die Konsumenten nicht über die eigentliche Herkunft der Produkte aufgeklärt sind, was im Widerspruch zu EU-Richtlinien steht.

Das heißt, Europa sagt zwar, Siedlungen seien illegal unter Internationalem Recht, handelt dennoch weiterhin mit ihnen. Und die Konsumenten tragen unwissentlich zu der Ungerechtigkeit bei, in dem sie Produkte kaufen, die fälschlicherweise als Produkte aus Israel gekennzeichnet sind, obwohl sie in Wahrheit aus Siedlungen im Westjordanland kommen.

Der Bericht fordert die europäischen Regierungen auf, eine Anzahl von konkreten Maßnahmen zu verabschieden, um die Ausbreitung von Siedlungen nicht weiter zu fördern und um die Diskrepanz zwischen Worten und Taten zu schließen. Die 22 Organisationen fordern zumindest klare Kennzeichnungsrichtlinien, um sicherzustellen, dass europäische Konsumenten nicht unwissentlich Siedlungsprodukte kaufen. Solche Richtlinien existieren bereits in Großbritannien und Dänemark und wurden in anderen Staaten wie z.B. Schweden in Betracht gezogen.

Seit Mai ist der Handel mit Siedlungsgütern auf der Agenda der EU, als EU-Außenminister die deutliche Beschleunigung von Siedlungskonstruktionen stark kritisierten und sich erstmalig für eine volle Anwendung der existierenden EU-Gesetzgebung im Bezug auf Produkte aus Siedlungen aussprachen.
Die israelische Regierung schätzt den Wert von EU-Importen aus Siedlungen auf ungefähr 230 Mio. Euro pro Jahr, im Vergleich zu 14 Mio. Euro pro Jahr von Palästinensern. Die Diskrepanz erklärt sich unter anderem daraus, dass Israel große Summen von Fördergeldern an israelische Siedler bereitstellt – wie zum Beispiel für Infrastruktur, Wirtschaftsentwicklung und Landwirtschaft – während für Palästinenser der Zugang zu Märkten und Ressourcen stark eingeschränkt ist.

Durch besseren Zugang zu internationalen Märkten konnten die Siedler moderne Agrarindustrien und Industriegebiete aufbauen. Die palästinensische Wirtschaft dagegen ist „stark begrenzt durch ein komplexes System von Einschränkungen“ seitens Israels, welches Straßenblockaden, Kontrollposten, limitierten Zugang zu Land, Wasser und Düngemitteln beinhaltet. Seit den achtziger Jahren ist der Export von palästinensischen Produkten an die EU von 50% des Bruttoinlandsprodukts auf 15% des Bruttoinlandsprodukts gesunken und setzt somit das Handelsabkommen der EU mit den Palästinensern außer Kraft. Die EU gibt jährlich Millionen von Euros für Entwicklungszusammenarbeit aus, um die Palästinenser beim Staatsaufbau zu unterstützen. Diese Unterstützung wird aber durch den Handel mit illegalen Siedlungen unterminiert und trägt somit zu der Lebensfähigkeit und Ausweitung der Siedlungen bei.

Unter den Siedlungsgütern, die in Europa verkauft werden, befinden sich vor allem Datteln, Weintrauben, Zitrusfrüchte, Kräuter, Wein, Kosmetikprodukte von Ahava, einige der Kohlensäure-Besprudelungsgeräte von Soda Stream sowie einige der Plastik-Gartenmöbel, welche von Keter produziert werden. Produkte aus den Siedlungen des Westjordanlandes werden im Kontext von Häuserabrissen, Landbeschlagnahmung und militärischer Besetzung produziert. Deshalb fordern die Organisationen die europäischen Regierungen auf endlich der Rhetorik der Siedlungsverurteilung Taten folgen lassen und zumindest zu gewährleisten, dass Konsumenten informierte Entscheidungen über diese Produkte in den Läden treffen können. Dies ist nichts weiter als das Einhalten von Europäischem und Internationalem Recht.

Unterzeichnende Organisationen:

APRODEV, Broederlijk Delen (Belgien), Caabu (UK), CCFD – Terre Solidaire (Frankreich), Christian Aid (UK und Irland), Church of Sweden, Cordaid (Niederlande), DanChurchAid (Dänemark), Diakonia (Schweden), International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) , FinnChurchAid (Finland), ICCO (Niederlande), IKV Pax Christi (Niederlande), Medical Aid for Palestinians (UK), medico international (Deutschland), medico international schweiz, the Methodist Church in Britain, Norwegian Church Aid, Norwegian People’s Aid, Quaker Council for European Affairs, Quaker Peace and Social Witness (UK)Trocaire (Irland)

Dokumente

 

(Quelle: medico international.)

Siehe auch:

EU urged to re-think trade deals with Israeli settlements in West Bank
Demolitions, displacements in 2012