Posts Tagged ‘Fußball-WM 2010’

Schweiz: Die Fifa, das System Blatter und die Korruption

Samstag, Juli 17th, 2010

“Die Fifa und die Korruption – Ein Verein aus Zürich

Von Carlos Hanimann

138 Millionen Franken Schmiergelder, eine lahme Ethikkommission und ein Treffen mit der russischen Mafia: Eine vorläufig letzte Wortmeldung zu den WM-Organisatoren.

Wenn du Geschäfte machen willst, dann musst du fast bis ans Tor des Gefängnisses gehen. Aber du darfst nie reingehen. Das ist die goldene Regel, wie man grosse Geschäfte macht.
Yoshiaki Tsutsumi, ehemaliges IOC-Ehrenmitglied

«Wory w sakone» – der Begriff, wörtlich «Diebe im Gesetz», stammt aus dem Russischen und bezeichnet eine Gruppe von mächtigen Kriminellen, die der organisierten Kriminalität zugerechnet werden. Der Russe Leonid «Macintosh» Bilunow, der heute als Geschäftsmann in Paris lebt, ist einer dieser «Diebe im Gesetz» und beschrieb deren Motto so: «Kämpfe und nimm es dir. Es ist umsonst. Du musst nur jemanden umbringen.»

Die Diebe im Gesetz sind eine Familie mit gemeinsamer Kasse und regelmässigen Treffen. Steckt ein Familienmitglied in Schwierigkeiten, helfen ihm die anderen – mit Geld, aber auch dank ausgezeichneter Vernetzung zu den Mächtigen dieser Welt. Entstanden in den Gefängnislagern der Stalin-Diktatur, bestimmten die Diebe im Gesetz über Jahrzehnte die russische Unterwelt. Hierzulande sind sie besser bekannt als russische Mafia – und ihr Einfluss geht weit über die Unterwelt hinaus. Heute sind die Diebe im Gesetz Geschäftsmänner, Regisseure, Sportmanager und …

Jetzt keine voreiligen Schlüsse: Joseph Blatter gehört nicht zur russischen Mafia. Selbst Andrew Jennings, weltweit einziger Journalist mit Fifa-Hausverbot und härtester Blatter-Kritiker, sagte neulich in der WOZ über den Weltfussballverband: «Das sind Diebe, nicht Mörder.» Aber auch das trifft es wohl nicht genau …

Blatter, der weisse Ritter

Joseph Blatter, Präsident des Weltfussballverbands Fifa, stand da wie der Papst persönlich und liess sich feiern, bevor er vergangenen Sonntag dem spanischen Torhüter Iker Casillas den Pokal überreichte. (Anders übrigens als an der Weltmeisterschaft 2006 in Deutschland, wo das Publikum Blatter bei der Eröffnungszeremonie ausgepfiffen hatte.) Zuvor war der Pokal in einem Louis-Vuitton-Köfferchen auf die Tribüne getragen worden, wo Stewardessen des Hauptsponsors Emirates mit den Medaillen auf die spanischen und holländischen Fussballspieler warteten. Es war der krönende Abschluss einer bis ins Detail durchkommerzialisierten Grossveranstaltung, die sich offiziell Fifa Fussball-Weltmeisterschaft Südafrika (TM) nennt.

Was bleibt vom vierwöchigen Spektakel zurück? Die neu- und umgebauten Stadien in Südafrika – überdimensionierte Kolosse, die als Ruinen an eine hoffnungsfrohe Zeit erinnern werden, als einige SüdafrikanerInnen noch glaubten, die WM würde das Land wirtschaftlich und sozial weiterbringen; die Blechhüttensiedlungen an den Rändern der Stadt – leblose Zeugen der zahlreichen Vertreibungen der armen Bevölkerung aus den Gebieten rund um die WM-Stadien; vielleicht auch der Stolz, die WM allen Vorurteilen zum Trotz erfolgreich und ohne grössere (zumindest medial verbreitete) Probleme organisiert zu haben.

Afrika wurde von den Kolonialherren ausgebeutet, sagte Sepp Blatter einmal, darum sei es Zeit, etwas zurückzugeben. Blatter als weisser Ritter, als gütiger Patron und Weltverbesserer – das ist die Rolle, in der er sich gefällt. Schon 1998, als Blatter erstmals zum Präsidenten des Weltfussballverbands gewählt wurde, hatte er angekündigt, die WM nach Afrika zu bringen. Jetzt hat er sein Versprechen eingelöst – und reist als grösster Gewinner der WM aus Südafrika ab. Der 74-jährige Fifa-Präsident in dritter Amtszeit wird Milliardeneinnahmen an den Hauptsitz nach Zürich mitnehmen. Vor allem aber wertvolle Stimmen dankbarer afrikanischer Fussballfunktionäre, die ihm 2011 eine vierte Amtszeit bis 2015 sichern können.

Wann immer der Name Fifa fällt, darf das Wort Korruption nicht fehlen. Zur Klärung (und auch um der Fifa-Rechtsabteilung keinen Vorwand zu liefern): Korruption ist der Missbrauch anvertrauter Macht zum privaten Vorteil. Von Korruption war auch vor und während dieser Weltmeisterschaft zu lesen, von der Korruption in Südafrika notabene, nicht aber in der Schweiz. Dabei fand ausgerechnet während des Turniers der grösste Korruptionsfall der Schweizer Wirtschaftsgeschichte sein Ende. Die Zuger Staatsanwaltschaft erklärte – von den hiesigen Sportreportern kaum beachtet –, dass sie das Verfahren «gegen unbekannt wegen ungetreuer Geschäftsbesorgung zum Nachteil der Fifa» einstellt.

Zuger Prozess – eine Groteske

Das tönt etwas umständlich, ist aber ziemlich schnell erklärt: 2001 ging die Zuger Sportmarketingfirma ISL/ISMM konkurs. Sie hatte jahrelang die Rechtevermarktung von internationalen Sportanlässen übernommen und war auch der bevorzugte Partner der Fifa gewesen. Nach ihrem Konkurs klagte die Fifa gegen die ISL, weil diese ihr «Provisionszahlungen» vorenthalten hatte. Diese Zahlungen hatten während Jahren sichergestellt, dass die ISL den Zuschlag als Rechtevermarkterin erhielt. 2004 zog die Fifa ihre Klage zurück, aber da war es bereits zu spät: Die Zuger Behörden ermittelten auf eigene Faust.
Der Prozess, der 2008 vor dem Zuger Gericht verhandelt wurde, förderte schliesslich ein gigantisches Schmiergeldsystem zutage. Zwischen 1989 und 2001 hatte die ISL 138 Millionen Franken Schmiergelder gezahlt, unter anderem auch an Fifa-Funktionäre und ihre Tarnfirmen. Und das ist wohl nur ein Bruchteil der gezahlten Summen, rechnen ExpertInnen doch bei Korruptionsfällen mit einer Dunkelziffer von rund 95 Prozent.

Zu den Empfängern gehörten unter anderen auch die Brasilianer João Havelange, Fifa-Ehrenpräsident und Vorgänger von Joseph Blatter, sowie dessen Ex-Schwiegersohn Ricardo Teixeira. So steht es in den Gerichtsakten. Teixeira, der Präsident des brasilianischen Fussballverbands, sitzt noch heute im Fifa-Exekutivkomitee. Er und die anderen Schmiergeldempfänger blieben von der Fifa-Ethikkommission, die seit März nach längerer Zeit endlich wieder einen Chef hat, bis heute unbehelligt. Es ist nicht das erste Mal, dass Teixeira in eine Korruptionsaffäre verwickelt ist, aber das scheint seiner Karriere beim Weltfussballverband nicht zu schaden: 2014 wird sein Verband die nächste Fussball-WM in Brasilien organisieren. Und 2015, so sagte Teixeira diese Woche, würde er gerne Blatters Nachfolge als Fifa-Präsident antreten.

Diese Schmiergeldzahlungen an Fifa-Funktionäre standen (juristisch) allerdings nicht im Zentrum der Gerichtsverhandlung. Denn die Bestechung von Privatpersonen war zu diesem Zeitpunkt nicht strafbar. Aber die Zuger Staatsanwaltschaft ermittelte weiter: Da die Funktionäre die Schmiergelder nicht an die Fifa weitergeleitet hatten, war der Weltfussballverband geschädigt worden. Die Fifa war also Opfer und Täterin, Beschuldigte und Geschädigte.
Als die Staatsanwaltschaft vor drei Wochen mitteilte, dass das Verfahren eingestellt wird, fand die Groteske einen vorläufig letzten Höhepunkt. Die Ermittlungen wurden beendet, weil sich die Beschuldigten bereit erklärten, der Geschädigten eine Wiedergutmachung von 5,5 Millionen Franken zu zahlen. Die Fifa entschädigt die Fifa – und die Akten werden geschlossen.

Der Weltfussballverband verschickte eiligst eine Pressemitteilung, in der er erklärte, dass Präsident Blatter «von jeglichem Fehlverhalten freigesprochen» worden sei. Eine seltsame wie falsche Behauptung: Denn Blatter war nie angeklagt.

Das Olympische Komitee (IOK) in Lausanne, der Internationale Handballverband in Basel, die Fifa in Zürich – sie alle hatten ihre Korruptionsskandale. Ist Korruption also systembedingter Teil der internationalen Sportpolitik? Bereits 1998, als Joseph Blatter in Paris zum ers ten Mal zum Präsidenten gewählt wurde, überschlugen sich die Gerüchte. Es hiess, Blatter habe die Wahl gekauft, Briefumschläge mit Geld seien in der Wahlnacht verteilt worden. Heute streitet das Blatter nicht ab. In der jüngsten Ausgabe der «Weltwoche» äusserte sich Blatter zu den Vorwürfen so: «Ich habe gesagt: ‹Wenn ich gewählt werde, bezahlen wir 50 000 Dollar aus den TV-Rechten sofort an die Verbände aus.› Beschlossen war das ja schon. Dann haben sie gesagt, ich hätte bestochen.»

Der Dieb aus dem China Club

Blatter wundert sich, warum ihm der Ruch der Korruption anhängt, warum immer wieder Kritik an den diktatorischen Anmassungen der Fifa laut wird. Blatter als skrupelloser Machtmensch, als Diktator, der Korruption toleriert und seltsame Kontakte pflegt – das ist die Rolle, in der sich der Oberwalliser nicht gefällt.

Der in Taschkent geborene Russe Alimsan «der Taiwanese» Tochtachunow ist ein Dieb im Gesetz. Er wird über Interpol wegen Betrugs gesucht und kann Russland nicht verlassen. Trotzdem ist er mit einem der mächtigsten Sportfunktionäre bekannt: Am 15. Januar 2005 traf er den Fifa-Präsidenten Joseph Blatter im China Club in Moskau. Es war ein merkwürdiger Moment: Blatter, der auch IOK-Mitglied ist, und Tochtachunow, der Mafioso, der als Drahtzieher des Bestechungsskandals im Eiskunstlaufen bei den Olympischen Winterspielen 2002 in Salt Lake City gilt.

Manche Diebe im Gesetz haben die rabiaten Mittel der Vergangenheit abgelegt. Jetzt handeln sie zwar nach dem Wortlaut des Gesetzes, nicht aber in seinem Sinn. Sie verfremden ihn oder suchen nach Lücken. Die Fifa ist von der Rechtsform her ein gemeinnütziger Verein und damit von Steuern befreit. Obwohl dieser Verein aus Zürich letztes Jahr über 200 Millionen Franken Gewinn erwirtschaftete, über ein Eigenkapital von über einer Milliarde verfügt und allein für die Fernsehrechte für die WM rund eineinhalb Milliarden Franken einstrich.

Diebe im Gesetz – ein schöner Begriff. Welcher passte besser zur Fifa?”

 

(Quelle: WOZ.)

Global: Aktuelle Arbeitskämpfe (nicht nur) im globalen Süden

Freitag, Juli 16th, 2010

“Neu im LabourNet Germany am Freitag, 16. Juli 2010:

I.Internationales / Panama

Nach einem umstrittenen Abkommen kurz zuvor: Streiks, Demonstrationen und Proteste …statt Generalstreik?

Die Organisatoren zeigten sich zufrieden, die Aktionen am vergangenen Dienstag hätten die Breite des Widerstandes gezeigt. Über die Bedeutung des Abkommens, das am Sonntag zwischen Regierung und Gewerkschaften ausgehandelt worden war, gibt es noch viele Diskussionen – dass die Regierung einen Rückzieher gemacht hat, ist unbestritten – wie weit dieser geht, allerdings sehr. Unser kleine aktuelle Materialsammlung “Statt Generalstreik?” vom 16. Juli 2010

II.Internationales / Mexiko

Netzwerk gegen Bergwerk

“Mariano Abarca Roblero war ein erbitterter Gegner des kanadischen Bergbauunternehmens Blackfire. In seinem Heimatort, der kleinen Kreisstadt Chicomuselo im mexikanischen Bundesstaat Chiapas, setzte er sich mit anderen Einwohnern dafür ein, die Ausbeutung der Barytvorkommen (Schwerspat) im Landkreis durch den Multi zu verhindern. Abarca gehörte zu den wichtigsten Figuren des landesweit organisierten Mexikanischen Netzwerks der Bergbaugeschädigten (REMA). Der vierfache Familienvater bezahlte sein Engagement mit dem Leben. (..) In San Luis Potosí und San Pedro hat das Breite Oppositionelle Bündnis (FAO) gegen die Mine San Xavier seinen Kampf inzwischen bis in die Aktionärsversammlung von New Gold in Toronto getragen. Würde New Gold nicht mit Duldung der mexikanischen Regierungsbehörden Gerichtsbeschlüsse ignorieren, hätte der Tagebau längst geschlossen werden müssen. Im Netzwerk REMA und länderübergreifenden Initiativen formiert sich zusehends Widerstand gegen die Bergbaumultis. Zu erwarten, dass er sich angesichts der Gewinnperspektiven für die Konzerne kurzfristig durchsetzen kann, wäre allerdings naiv” – so beginnt der Artikel “Wirklich wahre Goldgruben” (pdf-Datei) von Gerold Schmidt aus Lunapark21 – Zeitschrift zur Kritik der globalen Ökonomie – Heft 10 – Sommer 2010, exklusiv im LabourNet Germany..

Zu Lunapark21: Zeitschrift zur Kritik der globalen Ökonomie und zum Inhaltsverzeichnis von Heft 10 vom Sommer 2010 sowie Bestell- und Abobedingungen siehe die Homepage der Zeitschrift

III.Internationales / Chile

Spanische Reconquista

“Seit 20 Jahren blüht in der chilenischen Wirtschaft das europäische und im Besonderen das spanische Kapital. Es hat die Art und Weise, wie Arbeit organisiert wird, verändert und die Gewerkschaften vor völlig neue Herausforderungen gestellt. Im Jahre 1998 überstiegen in Chile, Brasilien und Argentinien die europäischen Kapitalinvestitionen erstmals im 20. Jahrhundert die Investitionen aus Nordamerika. Obwohl von der Weltbank und dem Internationalen Währungsfonds (IWF) auferlegte Strukturanpassungspolitiken von den USA geleitet werden, hat Europa in den letzten 20 Jahren am meisten davon profitiert. Etwa 50 Prozent des europäischen Kapitaleinflusses auf die chilenische Wirtschaft stammen aus Spanien. Das betrifft vor allem die öffentlichen Einrichtungen, die ehemals in Staatshand waren. So werden die Trinkwasserversorgung von der „Grupo Barcelona”, die Telekommunikation von „Telefónica” und die Stromversorgung von „Endesa” kontrolliert. Im Bankenwesen werden mehr als die Hälfte des chilenischen Finanzmarktes von den spanischen Banken „Banco Santander” und „BBVA” kontrolliert. Neunzig Prozent des spanischen Kapitals im Land teilen sich gerade mal 8 Firmen…” – so beginnt der Artikel “Die spanische Reconquista im 21. Jahrhundert” von Andrés Figueroa Cornejo (übersetzt von Bettina Hoyer) vom 13. Juli 2010 beim Binsenbrenner

IV.Internationales / Ecuador

Indigene Bewegung, Bodenschätze, Wirtschaftswachstum: Ein weltweiter Widerspruch?

Die CONAIE in Ecuador gehört, wie etwa Organisationen aus Bolivien und Peru, zu den erfahrenen und grossen Organisationen indigener Bevölkerungsteile: Und wie diese setzt sie sich etwa für Wasserrechte und gegen Großprojekte von Bergwerken ein. Solche Entwicklungen gibt es nicht nur in verschiedenen Ländern Amerikas, sondern auch in zahlreichen asiatischen und einigen afrikanischen Ländern. Und, wie etwa im indischen Westbengalen, so trifft auch CONAIE auf eine linke Regierung und deren Entwicklungsprojekte. Die Regierung Correa hat den indigenen Widerstand als Sabotage und Terrorismus bezeichnet, die Konfrontation verschärft sich. Sind das notwendige, unumgängliche Widersprüche? Was für gesellschaftliche Visionen stehen hinter beiden Polen? Diese und andere wichtige Fragen werden in dem Interview “Indigenous Struggle, Ecology, and Capitalist Resource Extraction in Ecuador” mit Marlon Santi (Vorsitzender der CONAIE), das Jeffery R. Webber am 13. Juli 2010 in The Bullet veröffentlichte, diskutiert

V.Internationales / Swaziland

Pathologiebericht: Gewerkschaftsaktivist Sipho Jele wurde ermordet

Der offizielle Bericht der Pathologie über die Todesursache des – laut Polizei durch Selbstmord – im Mai zu Tode gekommenen Gewerkschaftsaktivisten Sipho Jele liegt nun vor: Fremdeinwirkung, keinesfalls Selbstmord. Und da er erhängt aufgefunden worden war, kann es auch kein Unfall gewesen sein. Die Pressemitteilung “Comrade Sipho Jele Did Not Commit Suicide: He Was Murdered by Swaziland Police” (pdf-Datei) der Swaziland Democracy Campaign vom 11. Juli 2010 hat die Kritik an den Vertuschungstaktiken der Polizei zum Schwerpunkt. Und ruft dazu auf, nun erst recht auch im Lande den von zahlreichen Organisationen beschlossenen ersten Globalen Aktionstag für ein demokratisches Swaziland zu begehen – am 07. September 2010.

VI.Internationales / Angola

MPLA Namensänderung – konsequent…

Seit Dezember 2009 heisst die Volksbewegung zur Befreiung Angolas nicht mehr. Kein Name mehr, nur noch das Kürzel MPLA, das nichts mehr bedeuten soll. Insofern konsequent, als Bewegung, Befreiung und Volk schon lange nicht mehr zur Politik dieser Organisation passen, argumentiert David Sogge in seinem ausführlichen Beitrag “Angola: Reinventing Pasts and Futures” im Juli 2010 beim e.zine der africafiles.

VII.Internationales / Südafrika / WM 2010

Weltmeister Spanien. Wirtschaftsweltmeister …schland

“Die Fußballweltmeisterschaft endete in spielerischer Hinsicht mit einem spanischen Sieg. Ein wirtschaftlicher Gewinner steht ebenfalls fest: Deutschland. Hiesige Konzerne verdienten kräftig am WM-Spektakel. Südafrika selbst hofft nun auf einen Imagegewinn und den Aufschwung” – so beginnt der Artikel “WM-Sieger Deutschland” von Hermannus Pfeiffer am 13. Juli 2010 in Neues Deutschland.

VIII.Internationales / Pakistan / Gewerkschaften und Arbeitskämpfe

Textilarbeiterstreik erfolgreich – Morde schüchtern nicht ein

Nach dem Mord an zwei Funktionären der Textilarbeitergewerkschaft LQM hatte es in zahlreichen Fabriken Proteststreiks gegeben. Aber auch bisher nichtorganisierte Betriebe haben sich nun in Auseinandersetzungen gewagt: Nachdem am ersten Streiktag sich nichts bewegte, haben die rund 800 ArbeiterInnen der Touseef Textile in Faisalabad den Besitzer zuhause besucht, einem Vorschlag der hinzugerufenen LQM folgend – und minutenschnell ihre Forderung nach Bezahlung des Mindestlohns erfüllt bekommen, berichtet in “Victory within minutes” (pdf-Datei) Farooq Tariq am 14. Juli 2010.

IX.Internationales / Türkei / Arbeitskämpfe und Gewerkschaften

Erster Streik in der IT Branche

Die Türkei gehört zu jenen Ländern die, meist von Europa aus unbemerkt, einen relativ grossen eigenen Sektor der Datenverarbeitung entwickelt haben. Nun gibt es bei Ünibel – einer IT Firma, die in erster Linie für die verwaltung von Izmir arbeitet – den ersten Streik in der Branche. Dazu der Agenturbericht “Workers launch first strike in Turkish IT sector” in Hurriyet Daily News vom 09. Juli 2010.

X.Internationales / Schweiz / Gewerkschaften und Arbeitskämpfe

Streik der Reinigungskräfte am Genfer Flughafen

Seit dem 09. Juli 2010 dauert der Streik der Reinigungskräfte der Firma ISS am Flughafen Genf an – und am
14. Juli musste die Gewerkschaft SSP zur Solidaritätsaktion aufrufen, da Flughafenleitung und Polizei gegen die Streikposten vorgehen wollen. Der Aufruf “Toutes et tous à l’aéroport à 20 h ce mercredi pour soutenir les grévistes!” der SSP vom 14. Juli 2010.

XI.Internationales / Frankreich / Politik und Wirtschaft

Der “Rentenreformer” – und der Skandal…

“Die Woerth-Affäre bietet einen tiefen Einblick in den Korruptionssumpf, der sich zwischen den obersten Etagen der französischen Bourgeoisie und der konservativ-wirtschaftsliberalen Regierungspartei Sarkozys (UMP) erstreckt. Die Milliardärin Liliane Bettencourt, Erbin des Konzerngründers von L’Oréal, Tochter und Witwe aktiver Nazikollaborateure, schmierte bürgerliche Politiker mit dicken Geldscheinbündeln „in braunen DIN A 5-Umschlägen”. Das Personal packt jetzt aus…” so beginnt der aktuelle Artikel “Die Leiden des alten W.” von Bernard Schmid vom 16. Juli 2010.

…bis bald, Helmut

LabourNet Germany: http://www.labournet.de/
Treffpunkt für Ungehorsame, mit und ohne Job, basisnah, gesellschaftskritisch
The meeting point for all left-wing trade unionists, both waged and unwaged
Le point de rencontre de tous les militants syndicaux progressistes, qu`ils aient ou non un emploi

 

(Quelle: LabourNet Germany.)

Republik Südafrika: Versöhnung durch Sport?

Samstag, Juli 3rd, 2010

‘Reconciliation through Sports? The case of South Africa’

By Höglund, Kristine and Sundberg, Ralph (In: Third World Quarterly, 29:4, 805 – 818)

Can sports—and if so how—serve as a vehicle for reconciliation and increased social cohesion in countries wrecked by civil conflict? This article analyses the case of South Africa and its experiences in the sports sector since the fall of apartheid, in an effort to explore the processes necessary to understand the potential sports may hold for peace building. By identifying initiatives in South Africa employed at the national, community and individual level of analysis, the article outlines the possible effects of sports on reconciliation in divided states. Through linking experiences from state policies, ngo activities and donor projects with social identity and reconciliation theory, the article outlines the possible positive and negative aspects of sports. Finally, important avenues for further research to uncover how to turn sports into effective political tools for post-conflict peace building are suggested.

Ellis Park, Johannesburg, 1995. The South African Springboks have only moments ago defeated the New Zealand All Blacks in a nerve-wrecking final in the Rugby World Cup, which saw overtime to separate two of the world’s finest rugby squads. Chester Williams, the only black player on the Springbok side, held his own right throughout the game and together with Captain Francois Pienaar and Joel Stransky led the team to a historic victory in the first World Cup to be held since South Africa was readmitted into the international sports arena. The newly elected president, Nelson Mandela, clad in a Springbok jersey, handed Captain Pienaar the trophy in a symbolic event of reconciliation likely to be unmatched in modern day sports: South Africa’s rise and coming together after apartheid.

Southern Johannesburg, 2006. On a mud-stained pitch of grass, next to a run-down school with broken windows, more than a hundred kids have gathered for an organised kick-about, part of the Federation of International Football Association’s (fifa) Play Soccer Initiative. Luciano, who runs the programme, struggles to organise the lively kids into smaller groups. Today’s topics are alcohol and drugs: how to stay out of trouble and away from the gangs. The community the kids come from is impoverished, parental participation is absent and the destructive effects of apartheid eerily lingering. Luciano hopes that a combination of football and life-skills training will serve to raise the community’s youth above the pit of poverty and nascent criminality in the townships and instead create strong individuals, capable of countering the still existing divides within South Africa.

The examples above raise the following questions: can sports serve as a vehicle for reconciliation and integration? If so, how and why? This article analyses South Africa’s experiences to explore the processes through which sports can promote reconciliation in countries that have suffered from conflict and social divides. In order to better understand the determinants of successful pro-reconciliation sport initiatives, it is necessary to identify the different actors, activities and mechanisms through which reconciliation can be achieved. By analysing pro-reconciliation initiatives in South African sports, and linking these processes to theories on reconciliation after conflict, this article adds an important piece to the study of the interlinkages between sport and peace building.

While the positive influence of sport in society has been researched to some extent,[1] this article links sport to reconciliation in countries that have been divided by violent conflict. Four processes through which reconciliation can be promoted are identified and discussed: 1) the utilisation of symbols and symbolic acts of reconciliation; 2) the application of sport policies to create fair representation; 3) the breaking down of stereotypes and negative attitudes through inter-communal sport initiatives; 4) individual development. In this way we move away from a definition of reconciliation, which focuses mainly on truth seeking, forgiveness and justice in the relationship between perpetrators and victims. Instead, we adhere to a definition which incorporates the restructuring of a larger set of relations in societies shattered by violent conflict.[2] From such a perspective reconciliation is understood not only as a process of forgiveness at the political level, but also as integration of separate racial, ethnic and socioeconomic groups.

It needs also to be recognised that sport carries a potential for conflict and division. The idea of sport as a peace-promoting device is perhaps most strongly encapsulated in the Olympic movement and the Olympic truce. These ideas have also found expression in the UN Millennium Goals and in programmes by unesco and unicef. In terms of the conflict-inducing aspects of sport, issues such as spectator violence and hooliganism have been analysed. Sport events have also been triggering factors in some international conflicts. An example is the so-called Football War between El Salvador and Honduras in the 1960s. Another is the outbreak of the Yugoslav war in the 1990s, preceded by a club football game in 1990 which turned into a violent, ethnic riot.

South Africa is a particularly interesting case because it has made deliberate efforts to transform the sports sector through national development programmes. The government has explicitly linked sports to development and reconciliation, a stated goal in the 1994 Reconstruction and Development Programme.[3] There have also been initiatives by local and international ngos to build capacity at the community level. Many of these efforts have sought to bring together communities divided during apartheid. The conflict in South Africa over white minority rule was manifested in sports, with racial separateness in domestic sports and boycotts in the international arena. Sport was also used as a platform for resistance by the liberation movements in the struggle against apartheid and the white-dominated state.[4] There has been an impressive amount of research on reconciliation in South Africa, with particular focus on the Truth and Reconciliation Commission and on grassroots initiatives.[5] However, there are only a few studies on the role of sport in these processes.[6] This article provides a first overview of such reconciliation attempts in South Africa.

The paper is organised in three parts. First, based on experiences from South Africa, we outline the processes of reconciliation promulgated through sport-related events and initiatives at the national level. In the second section we turn to the community and individual level for similar experiences and initiatives. In the third, concluding part we discuss areas considered important for further research.

Promoting political and national reconciliation

Political reconciliation nearly always takes place at the top level. Such reconciliation efforts entail the acknowledgement of past suffering and can be achieved through events such as public ceremonies of forgiveness, truth commissions, or judicial processes.[7] An important step in a national reconciliation process is to move away from conflict identities to a more inclusive and bridging national identity. Such processes can be set in motion by the introduction of new national symbols. In South Africa, and many other countries undergoing a transition to a more peaceful future, new notes and coins have been introduced, and a new national flag and anthem have been created. The rewriting of history books and the creation of common national myths are also important. Key institutions of society may be transformed to become more representative of the nation, in order for more people to identify with them. Sport is a sector in which such processes may also take place, either on purpose or by coincidence.

Reconciliation through symbols

Symbols can promote reconciliation by representing multiculturalism and unity in spite of diversity.[8] In international competition national symbols and emblems, featuring the colours of the nations, are displayed on team jerseys and the athletes’ clothing. South Africa’s readmittance into the international sports arena provided ample opportunity for the utilisation of sports as an instrument for portraying the political shift of the nation. The new South Africa and its focus on multiculturalism and unity were encapsulated in the reference to South Africa as a Rainbow Nation. Significantly, sport provided opportunities for portraying new symbols of this unity, and for creating new national myths regarding the transformation. For instance, in the 1992 Barcelona Olympics the South African team, consisting of both white athletes and athletes of colour, flew in an aeroplane completely covered by the new national flag, and also saw Nelson Mandela attending the games. This took place before the first democratic elections, and at a time when the negotiations between the anc and the National Party were experiencing a crisis. This being the first time South Africa had taken part in the Olympic games since the 1960s, when international protest had barred it from participation, enhanced the symbolism of this event.

The hosting of high-profile international events can be important moments for symbolic acts, especially if such hosting is combined with success in the competition.[9] The 1995 Rugby World Cup, hosted and won by South Africa, is regarded as a highly symbolic event, depicting the Rainbow Nation. The handshake between team captain Francois Pienaar and President Nelson Mandela—wearing a Springbok jersey—is widely portrayed throughout South African society, even being found in the Apartheid Museum. Rugby has traditionally been seen as a ‘white’ sport in South Africa—although it was also played in the black and coloured communities—thanks to its close links to Afrikaner nationalism and machismo, along with its anti-English connotations. The symbolism of a handshake between the man leading the black revolution and the captain of the bastion of ‘white supremacy’ is obvious.[10]

South Africa also hosted the African Nations Cup of Soccer in 1996. The national team—Bafana Bafana—reaped great victories, bringing the predominantly black sport of football into the limelight of South African sports. The symbolism of this event can be viewed from different perspectives, perhaps the most interesting being the fact that black athletes can succeed just as well as white ones.

One has to be wary of ascribing too much weight to national symbolism as a tool for reconciliation. Sporting events and glorious victories are by their very nature momentary events, coming and going quickly and almost always with vast temporal spaces between them. In addition to this, the integrative and bridging functions of sporting events at the international level are dependent on success. These considerations create a set of interesting questions: what happens in between such events? Is a national identity built on nationalism really reconciliatory?

In between moments of victory, symbolism is likely to evaporate if no real changes in society are perceived. Symbolism, after all, does not denote true transformation. The dependence on victory also means that symbolism is a tool that can only be selectively used, meaning that it is not a viable tool for continuous nation building.

Despite such possible problems with reconciliation through symbolism, the fifa World Cup in 2010, to be hosted by South Africa, presents a set of interesting opportunities for the further integration of a South African identity. The South African Football Association has openly stated that the World Cup will be distinctly ‘African and South African’, and has the potential to fuse the nation closer together both through the hosting process, and the possible success of Bafana Bafana. The World Cup may also invoke more widespread support for the traditionally black sport of football among the white community, which is primarily interested in English Premier League football. If the World Cup is to play an integrative role, it has to have positive effects at the grassroots level, with benefits from this event reaching not only the economically empowered, predominately white community, but also those less fortunate.[11]

Reconciliation through sport policies

The abolishment of apartheid meant the end to segregated sports in South Africa. During apartheid the sport codes had separate controlling boards, one such board for the white population and other boards for the other population groups. Such separate governing bodies, and indeed separate development of sporting communities, had the effect of creating vast divides in terms of athletic quality between white and other groups. These divides quickly became obvious, not least to the anc, at the fall of minority rule.[12] To turn again to the example of the 1995 Rugby World Cup, only one of the players in the South African squad was black, since no other black or coloured players could compete with the skill of the white players. In 2007, when South Africa won the Rugby World Cup in France, only two of the players were not from the white community. The dominance of white rugby players must be ascribed to the discrepancies in the availability of resources and facilities and in access to competition of high international standards.

Discrepancies in terms of quality were also obvious in other popular sports, such as cricket, swimming and cycling. In order to address this inequality, to create a more adequate demographic representation, and to create a pool of recruits that could be used to obtain a ‘true’ South African representation in sports, ‘sport unity’ was launched. Sport unity aimed to create a completely new system, based on unity, equality, empowerment and representation. The term ‘representation’ has risen to the forefront of the transformation of South African sport and is based on the notion that any squad representing, or playing in, South Africa should not misrepresent the general demographics of the country. This does not necessarily mean that an athletics squad sent to the Olympics need be 70% black and 15% white but it does mean that the opposite would not be acceptable.

One political tool used to achieve representation has been the application of quotas. In practice there exist two types of quotas: formal and informal. The formal quotas are easy to comprehend: a set number of players in a squad have to be from a community other than white. Such quotas exist, for example, in rugby, where the teams at the top club level are forced to include black and coloured players in their squads.[13]

Informal quotas are more complicated, instead being based on popular demand, political pressure or unspecific policy documents, such as the Transformation Charter adopted for the Rugby Union in 2002. Transformation charters, which might be viewed as being forced upon the sports codes, outline the changes necessary within their code or geographical area to reach the transformation. In short, such transformation means that squads, administration and management should not misrepresent South African demographics.

Political pressure as an informal quota is visible in rugby at the national level, where there is no set figure of black players to be included in the national squad, but where the political establishment ‘expects’ a number of players (commonly four to six players out of a squad of 22) to be from groups other than white.[14] The seriousness of the application of quotas can be depicted by the fact that the South African field hockey team, which had qualified for the 2000 Olympic Games, was barred from attending because the squad was dominated by whites.

As in other areas, the application of quotas, affirmative action and similar measures to ensure representation, have been controversial and debated policy instruments. For instance, it has been argued that quota systems strengthen group identities rather than common identities. Quotas and affirmative action also promote group interests at the expense of individual rights.[15]

In South Africa the use of quotas has raised questions concerning justice and equal opportunities, and has exacerbated feelings of anc policy being too pro-black and in essence anti-white. While extreme measures may be warranted in the face of structural inequalities in South African sport, this does not diminish the fact that the selection of squads is not based fully on merit. A view that the South African rugby team is not at its best because of ‘quota players’ can be discerned at times. Such views prompt sentiments of discrimination, diminishing the reconciliatory aspects of the process. White, black and coloured players have all expressed their dislike of the quota system, with a number of white cricket players having moved to England to get a ‘fair’ chance to play for a national squad.[16] Some black players in turn resent the system since it brands some of them as being ‘quota players’ in the eyes of the public, or simply because they believe that squad selection should be based fully on merit, as stated by promising young rugby player ‘Chiliboy’ Ralepelle.[17]

In addition, the process of transformation through quotas is not an all-out success, with visible and invisible stumbling blocks still existing, hindering demographic representation from materialising.[18] Some provinces are well integrated, with mixed teams at all levels, while other provinces and codes have not been able to make this leap. The younger age groups in rugby seem to have been fairly successful, with the under 21s teams being more representative than Springbok and professional teams. In cricket a quota at the national level introduced a mandatory four black players in each team after the fall of apartheid, but was abolished in 2002 when the government felt that transformation had been achieved. Informal quotas have, however, surfaced in later years.[19] In many instances, such as in cricket, the formal quotas have in reality only been replaced by informal pressures for black and coloured inclusion, illustrating that a true transformation of attitudes has not taken place. The ethical dilemmas created by these policies are also not easily resolved, and are at odds with the tenets of liberal democracy and the anc‘s charter of supporting unity and equality in the Rainbow Nation.

Sport and social cohesion

In addition to efforts aimed at national reconciliation, there are a number of initiatives for grassroots and mid-level reconciliation that are important for the affected societies. In general such initiatives entail the rebuilding—or creation—of positive interactions between groups that have been divided by conflict.[20] In practical terms such initiatives can take place in several spheres of society: in work places and the economic market, in schools and the education system, etc.

Such reconciliation initiatives seek to promote social cohesion. Apartheid in South Africa tore the social fabric by separating whites, blacks and coloureds into different housing communities. The legacy of these policies still lingers, with socioeconomic divides perpetuating segregation. Thus, the consequences of the violent conflict have carried across generations.[21]

Divides also exist within impoverished communities, caused by the negative effects that harsh living conditions have on social behaviour, meaning that integration is also necessary in the intra-communal sphere. When the conflict over apartheid subsided, new conflicts came to the forefront. Different types of tensions dominate different communities: while some areas are experiencing conflict between coloureds and blacks, gender-based violence and gangsterism are common forms of conflict in other areas.

Participation in sports can serve to break down stereotypes, transform negative attitudes about ‘the others’, and empower communities to create a more homogeneous and less conflict-prone society. The conflict prevention aspects of such integration are obvious: the creation of social cohesion and opportunities for youth through individual development of the self.

Reconciliation through communal initiatives

Reconciliation initiatives can aim to promote social cohesion both between communities (inter-community reconciliation) and within communities (intra-community reconciliation). An increasing number of donor countries has taken an interest in peace building through sport, in particular among the youth. This can take the form of projects working to increase conflict-resolution capacity and integration among the participants. A more direct use of sport can be found in demobilisation and reintegration processes, rehabilitation of child soldiers, and in refugee camps, where the possibilities for constructive leisure time are small and may spur less preferable activities.

Sport can also have indirect and positive side effects on integration, if sporting opportunities are increased more generally. Through tournaments and leagues people have a chance to interact with members of other communities. Everyday social mobility is low in South Africa, and the bulk of inter-communal socialisation takes place in the work place. Sport offers an easy and low-cost interaction opportunity in which the rules of interaction and socialisation are clear.

In South Africa there are various community-based projects working with these issues. The ngo Hoops for Hope uses basketball as a platform to attract youth, with schools being a base for interaction. The organisation focuses its daily activities on the development of life-skills among the participants. It also incorporates an aspect of social integration and reconciliation through games and tournaments between school teams, which are often from communities with different levels of mixed race participants. Basketball is seen as a particularly useful base for integration activities, since it is considered a ‘colourless’ sport: basketball did not ‘belong’ to either of the racial categories during apartheid.

The project Kicking for Peace makes use of football. Teams from a number of townships in the Cape Town area, with both majority black and majority coloured populations, are organised in leagues and tournaments with the aim of activating young people and allowing them to see environments and people that differ from their own community.[22]

Schools are an important base for integration, and most of the youth sport is organised within the education system. Keim has studied integration between the various racial groups both in sport education in schools and in programmes designed with a reconciliation purpose. Her findings support the general notion of sport as making a positive contribution to increased tolerance across racial divides.[23] However, Keim’s study clearly highlights that the integrative function of sport can only occur if certain conditions are in place and points to a number of ‘obstructing’ factors, such as lack of trained instructors and language barriers.[24]

The idea behind these programmes is that it is only through contact between groups that have been, or are, divided that reconciliation and integration can be promoted. Programmes like the ones mentioned above, in Lederach’s words, ‘engage the sides of a conflict with each other as humans-in-relationship’.[25] The breaking down of conflict-prone relationships and the construction of positive ones can serve to end the conflict cycle. These sport programmes also provide for Lederach’s ‘locus’ of reconciliation: a space for reconciliation where all are equal and know the rules of the game.[26]

Social identity theory emphasises the way that humans have a tendency to categorise individuals in their environment into groups that carry social meaning, often based on ascriptive characteristics such as ethnicity, class or religion.[27] Dividing people into different categories creates in-groups and out-groups. Identification lies with one specific group category which is favoured above the others, and where comparisons between groups are made in terms of conflict and not co-operation.[28] During and after violent conflict, such group identities tend to harden, leading to an urgent need for group reconciliation if peace is to become sustainable.[29] Inter- and intra-communal sport initiatives can help to overcome such conflict identities by harmonising group relationships and restoring positive, co-operative interaction and criss-crossing loyalties spanning the in-group/out-group divide. The possibility of creating a new and inclusive social identity also exists.

However, there have been few studies to evaluate the effects of these programmes and how they are best designed to promote reconciliation. In particular, it is difficult to assess the long-term influence and durability of the positive effects observed. There is also a risk that sport programmes can have a negative effect on inter-group relationships. The nature of the encounter between groups across divides is important in this respect.[30] If, for instance, a game of sport turns into a fight or if possessions are stolen in connection with a sporting event, it can confirm stereotypes of the other group’s malevolent character. In South Africa there have been recent examples of race-related violence at rugby games, such as the death of Riaan Loots in a rugby match brawl in mid-2006 that was allegedly brought about by racist provocation. The event was portrayed in the media as being a symbol of lingering racial divides and mistrust. Another barrier, strongly emphasised by Keim, is language.[31] The many languages spoken in South Africa make for problems in communication, and for problems in creating new and inclusive identities.

Reconciliation through individual development

Turning to the question of individual development, reconciliation can be seen as being promoted if people in conflict-torn societies are able to empower themselves. A quote from ex-Bafana Bafana player Brian Sebapole, who runs a youth development programme in Matlosana, is telling: ‘One cannot make peace with others if you are not at peace with yourself’.[32] The focus on sports as a tool for individual development rests mainly on the creation of opportunities for those at risk of marginalisation or of a life in conflict with the rest of society. These types of programmes are usually accompanied by life-skills training, including raising awareness of hiv/aids, gender empowerment, etc.

A number of development programmes use sport as a platform for the strengthening of individuals. Besides locally initiated and run programmes such as the one in Matlosana, international donors have initiated sports programmes for development. The fifa-sponsored Play Soccer project, integrates capacity building in the areas of health and social skills with football practice. Hundreds of young people are involved in these activities at locations in southern Guateng and in Limpopo. An important part of these programmes is the involvement of youths as leaders and coaches, which entails the acquisition of leadership skills.

Besides work by local and international ngos, the government has also been spearheading these kinds of development programmes. Siyadlala (‘Let’s Play’ in Zulu) is a mass participation programme of the Department of Sport and Recreation, with the aim of spreading sport and physical activities to poor communities in South Africa. The programme targets all age groups, but a majority of participants are still in school.[33] Several positive effects of these programmes have been noted in an impact evaluation. It is believed to contribute to the ‘moral regeneration’ of communities and in a few areas crime among youth has reportedly decreased as a result of the programme. There is, however, a general lack of resources, partly attributed to the rapid growth and popularity of Siyadlala, which makes it difficult to sustain the programme.[34]

The creation of sport opportunities is important in segregated and impoverished societies, but has also gained prominence in special situations such as disarmament, demobilisation, and reintegration (ddr) processes, refugee camps and in the wake of disasters. Sport is increasingly used as a non-medical measure to overcome trauma, whether from man-made disasters such as violent conflict, or from natural catastrophes.[35]

In the situation immediately following a war, when many young men and women need to be reinserted into society, sport projects can be directly linked to conflict prevention. An example of such a programme is the National Peace Accord Trust’s football activities in the East Rand. In this locality the organisation arranged football games between ex-combatants from the severe inter-community conflicts that had struck the area. The participants were engaged in pro-reconciliation social interactions before, during and after football games. Similar programmes have been held in countries like Burundi and Liberia, to mention but a few cases. One problem with the demobilisation of child soldiers, visible in Burundi, for example, is the vast amount of time that becomes available to ex-combatants. In the Burundian context the demobilisation of all child soldiers following the peace agreement between the government and the rebels yielded thousands of former child soldiers. Without any real prospects for schooling or leisure activities, there exists a risk of these children again being recruited into fighting groups.[36]

The programmes aiming at individual development, whether focused on the healing of trauma or on individual skills training, thus hold the prospect of being important conflict-prevention mechanisms. However, there are several potential problems that deserve attention. For instance, the type of trauma or hardship experienced must be taken into account when designing the programme. Programmes with persons who have experienced violent trauma and who suffer from mental illness require the involvement of professionally trained coaches or personnel. The age groups targeted also need to be considered, since older youth deal with conflict and trauma in a different manner from younger children.[37] Experiences from government-run programmes in South Africa also point to difficulties of ensuring the quality of activities when resources are scant.

In addition to the abovementioned problems, the issue of how to design the programmes in terms of gender can be of importance. It would be reasonable to claim that the main group to be targeted should be young males, since members of this group are the chief troublemakers in any post-conflict period. However, since the empowerment programmes more often than not include gender awareness as an important aspect of life-skills training, the inclusion of young women and girls is not only an issue of equality, but also a tool for co-operation and learning. Equality is no one-way process but entails a transformation of mindsets among both males and females. In addition, true empowerment of impoverished communities needs the participation of the entire community, not only the males. This is, of course, especially important in the realm of hiv/aids training and for the restoration of a society’s social fabric.

Conclusions

With the demise of apartheid sport was heralded as a harbinger of peace and reconciliation in South Africa. Integration of sports controlling boards preceded the first democratic election in 1994, and the readmittance of South Africa to international sport in 1992 was important in breaking the isolation experienced as a result of apartheid. More than a decade later much hope is still vested in sport. In the words of the Minister of Sport and Recreation: ‘Sport must be a catalyst for the building of a non-racial, non-sexist, democratic, prosperous and free South Africa. It must build social cohesion and build a proud South African nation of all South Africans.'[38]

When addressing sport as a tool for reconciliation in South Africa, three levels for such processes can be envisaged: 1) the national level; 2) the community level; and 3) the individual level. Political accommodation at the elite level has paved the way for a new political order, with one of the most progressive constitutions ever in terms of promoting multiculturalism and human rights. However, the legacies of apartheid are omnipresent and inequalities and separation between the communities in South Africa persist. Social mobility is low and unemployment is high, leading to new conflicts emerging. The social and economic injustices promulgated through apartheid’s different stages cannot be easily overcome, and not only must vast economic resources be funnelled to impoverished communities, but there must also be major psychological transformations in order to change perceptions about different sport codes being ‘for blacks’ and ‘for whites’.

What does the South African case suggest for the further study of sport and its influence on reconciliation? The impact at the national level of reconciliation acts and symbols appears to be limited, because of the fleeting nature of symbolic events. National and provincial governments can take more enduring initiatives in the realm of policy making. Policies promoting integration and reconciliation can be used to govern the sports federations, enhance group interactions at school level and provide resources for integration projects. The quotas applied in South Africa should be viewed as an extreme form of intervention. At the other end of the scale we can identify uncontroversial yet possibly effective community-based work. Such projects can carry great potential for societal integration, reconciliation and the creation of new identities. However, action on all of the identified levels by governments or other organisations is likely to have a greater effect on reconciliation and conflict prevention than action in only one or two of these levels. Allowing all levels to interact in a joint top-down and bottom-up process holds promise.

It is important to note that the mechanisms underlying these processes are relatively unexplored. At all levels, but probably specifically at the community and individual level, we still do not know what mechanisms and contextual factors allow for the possible positive influence of sports. More in-depth studies are needed to generate theory on the mechanisms of sport interaction and reconciliation outcomes, to identify successful and unsuccessful sport initiatives and to identify relevant contextual factors.

The South African case suggests several clusters of factors, which may explain the success or failure of sports as a tool for reconciliation. A first set of factors relates to the design of specific initiatives in terms of target groups, activities pursued and leadership. In particular, we need to know more about the target groups which are most receptive to sport initiatives and which type of group interaction is most useful. Sport-based initiatives have targeted both groups directly influenced by violence (for instance ex-combatants), and groups that run the risk of ending up using violence as a tool to manage conflict (for instance youth in impoverished communities). To what extent is it necessary to deliberately include conflict resolution skills as part of sport initiatives? Do certain traumatised groups—for instance child soldiers—require professionally trained support staff?

A second set of factors relates to culture. Some societies might be more prone to absorb the reconciliatory and community-building effects of sports participation. Lederach points out that harnessing local cultural resources to build a ‘peace constituency’ is key in building peace at the grassroots level.[39] In South Africa sport harbours immense cultural value in all communities. This may explain why much hope has been invested in sport as a platform for reconciliation. It is necessary to further explore how cultural settings may affect the reconciliatory aspects of sporting activities.

A third set of factors relates to the context of the countries in which pro-reconciliation sport initiatives take place. The phenomenon of quotas in the sports sector appears to be typical for South Africa, and such policy initiatives might only be relevant for a country that has faced such serious divisionary tendencies as that country during apartheid. In fact, reconciliation through sports might be more easily achieved after more devastating conflicts, but where segregation and hostility are not characterised by separate socioeconomic classes, apparent racial divides or strong language barriers. Such contextual factors also need to be further explored in order to create a holistic theoretical framework for the impact of sports on reconciliation and social identities.

Notes

This research was supported by a grant from the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida). The authors would like to thank Thomas Ohlson at the Department of Peace and Conflict Research, Uppsala University, for constructive comments on an earlier draft of this article. We gratefully acknowledge assistance from the many people in South Africa who facilitated our research and who shared their views with us. The authors have contributed equally to this article, the order of authors is alphabetical.

[1] See YV Auweele, C Malcolm, & B Meulders (eds), Sport and Development, Leuven: LammooCampus, 2006; and M Keim, Nation Building at Play: Sport as a Tool for Social Integration in Post-apartheid South Africa, Oxford: Meyer and Meyer Sport, 2003.

[2] For important definitional distinctions, see K Brounéus, Reconciliation—Theory and Practice for Development Cooperation, Stockholm: Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida), 2003; B Hamber & H van der Merwe, ‘What is this thing called reconciliation?’, Reconciliation in Review, 1 (1), 1998, pp 3-5; L Kriesberg, ‘Changing forms of coexistence’, in M Abu-Nimer (ed), Reconciliation, Justice and Coexistence, Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2001; and JP Lederach, Building Peace: Sustainable Reconciliation in Divided Societies, Washington, DC: usip, 1997.

[3] The policy document is available on the website of the African National Congress, at www.anc.org.za.

[4] See, for example, D Booth, The Race Game: Sport and Politics in South Africa, London: Frank Cass, 1998; A Guelke, ‘The politicisation of South African sport’, in L Allison (ed), The Politics of Sport, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1986; P Hain, ‘The politics of sport and apartheid’, in J Hargreaves (ed), Sport, Culture, and Ideology, London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1982; and C Thomas (ed), Sport and Liberation in South Africa, Pretoria: University of Fort Hare, Department of Sport and Recreation, 2006. During apartheid an official classification system of the population groups was introduced, distinguishing between Whites, Black Africans, Coloureds and Indians. The categorisation served as a basis for political, economic and social separation.

[5] See, for instance, JL Gibson, ‘Overcoming apartheid: can truth reconcile a divided nation?’, Politikon, 31 (2), 2004, pp 129-155; JL Gibson & A Gouws, ‘Truth and reconciliation in South Africa: attributions of blame and the struggle over apartheid’, American Political Science Review, 93 (3), 1999, pp 501-517; A Jeffery, The Truth About the Truth Commission, Johannesburg: South African Institute of Race Relations, 1999; and D Posel & G Simpson (eds), Commissioning the Past: Understanding South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission, Johannesburg: Witwatersrand University Press, 2002.

[6] An important exception is the study by Marion Keim, who looks at sport in Western Cape and its connection to reconciliation and integration. Keim, Nation Building at Play. There are also a few evaluations of sport-related programmes and a number of studies on sport and the transition more generally. See, for instance, J Nauright, Sport, Cultures and Identities in South Africa, Cape Town: David Philip, 1997.

[7] On public ceremonies of forgiveness, see WJ Long & P Brecke, ‘Civil war and reconciliation: emotion and reason in conflict resolution’, in Long (ed), War and Reconciliation, Cambridge, MA: mit Press, 2003. On truth commissions, see PB Hayner, ‘Commissioning the truth: further research questions’, Third World Quarterly, 17 (1), 1996; and RI Rotberg & D Thompson (eds), Truth v Justice: The Morality of Truth Commissions, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000. On domestic or international judicial processes, see RJ Goldstone, ‘Bringing war criminals to justice during an ongoing war’, in J Moore (ed), Hard Choices: Moral Dilemmas in Humanitarian Intervention, Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 1998; KJ Holsti, Peace and War—Armed Conflict and International Order 1648-1989, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991; and NJ Kritz (ed), Transitional Justice: How Emerging Democracies Reckon with Former Regimes, Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace Press, 1995.

[8] See R Mac Ginty, ‘The role of symbols in peacemaking’, in J Darby & R Mac Ginty (eds), Contemporary Peacemaking: Conflict, Violence and Peace Processes, Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2003, p 238.

[9] The hosting of international sporting competitions can potentially generate other benefits as well. See the special issue of Third World Quarterly, 25 (7), 2004.

[10] See more in DR Black & J Nauright, Rugby and the South African Nation, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1998; and A Grundlingh, ‘From redemption to recidivism? Rugby and change in South Africa during the 1995 Rugby World Cup and its aftermath’, Sporting Traditions, 14 (2), 1998.

[11] The state of South African football and the challenges of hosting the 2010 World Cup are discussed in M Kunene Kunene, ‘Winning the cup but losing the plot? The troubled state of South African soccer’, in S Buhlungu, J Daniel, R Southall & J Lutchman (eds), State of the Nation: South Africa 2005-2006, Cape Town: hscr Press, 2006.

[12] J Nauright, Sport, Cultures and Identities in South Africa, Cape Town: David Philip, 1997.

[13] After the 2007 Rugby World Cup victory, which reignited the quota debate, South Africa began to make moves towards abolishing the racial quotas in sports for national teams. Minister of Sport Makhenkesi Stofile labelled the quotas a ‘failed experiment’ and said that true transformation in sports could only materialise through the allocation of more resources and the destruction of the myth that some sports codes were not for blacks. ‘Sports minister says “quotas are out”’, Mail and Guardian, 7 November, 2007. As late as November 2007 a public survey by the Human Sciences Research Council (hsrc) showed that a slim majority of South Africans still supported racial quotas in sports. The black population was, however, more than four times more positive than the white population. ‘Majority want quotas in sport: hsrc‘, sabc News, 5 November 2007.

[14] For a critical account of South African rugby, see M Keohane, Springbok Rugby Uncovered, Cape Town: Zebra Press, 2004. See also A Desai & Z Nabbi, ‘“Truck and trailer”: rugby and transformation in South Africa’, in Buhlungu et al, State of the Nation.

[15] W Kymlicka, Multicultural Citizenship, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995.

[16] ‘Racial quotas led Pietersen to leave South Africa’, Criticinfo, 30 August 2006.

[17] H Richards, ‘Chiliboy: dump the quota system’, News24.com, 12 April 2002; and ‘Questions of color still test South African national teams’, International Herald Tribune, 22 July 2002.

[18] Interview with Cliffie Booysen, Chief Operating Officer of Rugby Operations, South African Rugby Union, Cape Town, 23 November 2006.

[19] On the history of cricket in South Africa, see A Odendaal, The Story of an African Game: Black Cricketers and the Unmasking of One of South Africa’s Greatest Myths, 1850-2003, Cape Town: David Philip, 2003.

[20] M Abu-Nimer, ‘Conflict resolution, culture, and religion: toward a training model of interreligious peacebuilding’, Journal of Peace Research, 38 (6), 2001; and JP Lederach, Building Peace.

[21] On the current political and social challenges facing South Africa, see Buhlungu et al, State of the Nation.

[22] There are several other projects along the same lines, such as the Cape Windjammer Education Trust, which runs programmes where sailing is used for reconciliation. www.capewingjammers.com.

[23] The positive effects are also confirmed in the evaluation of similar projects in other countries. See, for instance, the evaluation of the Open Fun Football school, mainly active in the Balkans, by P Kvalsund, D Nyheim & J Telford, ccpa Open Fun Football Schools: An Evaluation, available online on the website of the International Platform on Sport and Development, at www.sportanddev.org.

[24] Keim, Nation Building at Play, pp 187-188. Keim studies both team sports and individual sport. A commonly held view is that team sport is better than individual sport in forging positive relationships among divided groups. However, she finds no conclusive answer to this question (p 185).

[25] Lederach, Building Peace, p 26.

[26] Ibid, p 29.

[27] H Tajfel, ‘Social identity and intergroup behaviour’, Social Science Information, 13 (2), 1974, pp 65-93.

[28] MB Brewer, ‘The social psychology of intergroup relations: can research inform practice?’, Journal of Social Issues, 53 (1), 1997, pp 197-211.

[29] DL Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict, Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2000.

[30] Y Amir, ‘Contact hypothesis in ethnic relations’, Psychological Bulletin, 71 (5), 1969.

[31] Keim, Nation Building at Play.

[32] Interview with Brian Sebapole, Johannesburg, 15 November 2006.

[33] C Burnett, ‘Siyadlala Let’s Play’, Your Sport, June 2006, p 14.

[34] Ibid, pp 15-16.

[35] A Gschwend & U Selvaraju, Psycho-social Support Programmes to Overcome Trauma in Post-Disaster Interventions, Biel/Bienne: Swiss Academy for Development, 2006.

[36] ‘Burundi discontent and anger grow among the 3000 child soldiers demobilised from rebel armies: forgotten generation puts uneasy peace at risk’, Guardian, 16 January 2006.

[37] R Henley, Helping Children overcome Disaster Trauma through Post-emergency Psychosocial Sports Programs, Biel/Bienne: Swiss Academy for Development, 2005.

[38] M Stofile, ‘Sport as a human right’, in Thomas, Sport and Liberation in South Africa, pp 9-10.

[39] JP Lederach, Building Peace, pp 94-97.

 

(Quelle: informaworld.)

Republik Südafrika: Was bei der WM wirklich verloren ging

Donnerstag, Juli 1st, 2010

What South Africa Really Lost at the World Cup

Resource "Curse" and Rising Xenophobia

By PATRICK BOND

fifa fafi.jpg

 
 

Soccer-loving cynics have long predicted problems now growing worse here in South Africa because of World Cup hosting duties:

• loss of large chunks of government’s sovereignty to the world soccer body Fifa;
• rapidly worsening income inequality;
• future economic calamities as debt payments come due;
• dramatic increases in greenhouse gas emissions (more than twice Germany’s in 2006); and
• humiliation and despondency as the country’s soccer team Bafana Bafana (ranked #90 going into the games) became the first host to expire before the competition’s second round.

Soon, it seems, we may also add to this list a problem that terrifies progressives here and everywhere: another dose of xenophobia from both state and society.

The crucial question in coming weeks is whether instead of offering some kind of resistance from below, as exemplified by the Durban Social Forum network’s 1000-strong rally against Fifa on June 16 at City Hall, will society’s sore losers adopt right-wing populist sentiments, and frame the foreigner?

This is not an idle concern, as the FaceBook pages of hip young Johannesburg gangstas exploded with xenophobic raves after Uruguay beat Bafana last week.
Wrote one young punk, Khavi Mavodze, “Foreigners leave our country, be warned, xenophobia is our first name.”

Even the ordinarily defensive African National Congress national executive committee and the Cabinet have both recently expressed concern about a potential repeat of the May 2008 violence that left 62 people dead and more than a hundred thousand displaced.

This at least is progress, for 30 months ago, the Africa Peer Review Mechanism panel of eminent persons issued a warning that went unheeded: “Xenophobia against other Africans is currently on the rise and must be nipped in the bud.”

The then notoriously out-of-touch president, Thabo Mbeki, replied that this was “simply not true”, and after the xenophobia calamity began six months later, Deputy Foreign Minister Aziz Pahad called it “a totally unexpected phenomenon” – notwithstanding dozens of prior incidents.

So when the current president, Jacob Zuma, told his party executive in May that “The branches of the ANC must start working now to deal with the issue of xenophobia”, it was depressing when another politician combined denialism and stereotyping.

Replying that “There is no tangible evidence,” Police General Bheki Cele added, a few days later: “We have observed a trend where foreigners commit crime – taking advantage of the fact that we have an unacceptable crime level – to tarnish our credibility and image.”

Generalizations against ‘foreigners’ as prolific perpetrators of crime are baseless, as no scientific ‘trend’ can be discerned because no reliable data exist to confirm whether immigrant ‘tsotsis’ (thugs) represent a greater ratio of their numbers than indigenous tsotsis. (We don’t even know roughly, to the 500 000th, how many immigrants there are in South Africa, because of the porous borders.)

Cele’s finger-pointing at immigrants for crime is just one of the scapegoat strategies. The Consortium for Refugees and Migrants in South Africa this week called xenophobia a ‘credible threat’ in part because “some perpetrator appear to believe they have the tacit support of local political actors.”

In addition to increasing its moral suasion, prosecuting those guilty of xenophobic attacks, resolving local leadership turf battles that have xenophobic powerplays, and establishing emergency response mechanisms, the state has an obligation to address root causes for the social stress which is often expressed as xenophobia: mass unemployment, housing shortages, intense retail competition in townships and South Africa’s regional geopolitical interests which create more refugees than prosperity.

The state won’t tackle these root-cause problems, however, because making substantive progress would probably throw into question class relations and the mode of production itself.

To illustrate, if observers believed (as did I) that the replacement of Mbeki with Zuma in September 2008 might mean a change in Pretoria’s foreign policy so as to end the nurturing of Robert Mugabe’s Zimbabwe repression, then that was naïve, as Zuma showed in London by lobbying hard for an end to smart sanctions against Mugabe’s Zanu (PF) ruling elites a few weeks ago.

South Africa’s post-apartheid leaders are simply unwilling to reverse a 120-year old structural relationship of exploitation, by which Johannesburg-based companies – such as those involved in eastern Zimbabwe’s bloody Marange diamond fields, controlled by Mugabe’s army – rip off the region’s resources. Marange is the world’s largest diamond find since Kimberley, South Africa in 1867.

How does this work? Consider the case of a victim of elite SA-Zimbabwe minerals-extraction collusion, the courageous civil society researcher Farai Maguwu (a former student of mine at Africa University). Maguwu was jailed on June 3 because, according to his (ordinarily very reliable) account, a South African named Abbey Chikane set him up for an arrest and maltreatment by Mugabe’s police.

Chikane is a leading officer of the Kimberley Process, a deal cut exactly a decade ago between industry, government and international civil society watchdogs, meant to halt trade in blood diamonds. The sign-on by the monopolist DeBeers was crucial, for the formerly-South African company (now London-based) needed to deal with the growing global diamond glut and to restore some Public Relations after a gloomy period.

In a hotel room in the eastern Zimbabwe city of Mutare on May 25, Maguwu provided Chikane information about hundreds of murders at Marange since 2006, at the hands of Mugabe’s army.

Instead of using the information to write a critique of Marange, Chikane turned out to be a narc, reporting Maguwu to the Zimbabwe police. When cops drove up at his modest house the next day, Maguwu went underground. During the search, the police beat and tortured family members, leading Maguwu to surrender. After a week in prison, he was hospitalized last Friday due to maltreatment, and then was denied bail on Wednesday by a pro-Mugabe judge.

There’s a great deal at stake in this story, emblematic of so many aspects of Africa’s ‘resource curse’ corruption and poverty.

The army leadership’s inflow of illicit diamond funding (via Dubai where the Kimberley Process is apparently ignored) represents the prime source for their own embourgeoisement, as well as for waging Zimbabwe’s next national election campaign. (Looting state resources is much harder for Mugabe’s men since January 2009, when Zimbabwe lost its currency and with it, the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe’s money-printing, hyper-inflationary, crony-capitalist patronage.)

Chikane soon issued an official report finding that Marange complies with international diamond trading guidelines, leading this week’s Kimberley Process meeting in Tel Aviv to deadlock over whether to continue excluding Zimbabwe. Because of its cutting industry and the threat of boycott, divestment and sanctions campaigning, Israel has become a strong supporter of Zimbabwe’s, insisting that Marange stones not be labeled blood diamonds.

According to the respected newspaper The Zimbabwean, several SA mining houses will benefit if Chikane’s whitewash continues, including his cousin Kagiso Chikane’s African Renaissance Holdings and black tycoon Patrice Matsepe’s African Rainbow Minerals – with whom his brother Frank Chikane (formerly a leading anti-apartheid cleric) works – as well as two financiers supporting Johannesburg diamond miner Reclam: Capital Works and Old Mutual.

Abbey Chikane has, in the process, wrecked the Kimberley Process’s reputation for monitoring blood diamonds in the same way that Mbeki-Zuma soiled Pretoria’s when it comes to justice and democracy for wretched Zimbabwe. The last decade has witnessed a variety of similar betrayals of their people by the SA and Zimbabwe elites.

Given such relationships, it’s not surprising that the UN High Commissioner for Refugees last week reported that there are 158,200 Zimbabweans currently seeking formal asylum internationally, of whom 90 per cent are in South Africa. (That’s more than three times as many as the second-place country, Burma, which was followed by two Washington-backed regimes: Afghanistan and Colombia.)

There are at least a couple million Zimbabweans in South Africa, many illegal as low-waged but often highly-skilled workers, who regularly come under intense pressure from the unemployed locals. A genuine solution to workers’ plight across the region would include not only a reversal of Pretoria’s geopolitical approach, but also its macroeconomic policies.

(Statistics South Africa announced last week that another 79,000 jobs were lost in the most recent quarter-year, bringing to nearly a million those shed since the world crisis hit hard in 2008.)

Home Affairs Minister Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma did make some concessions for Zimbabweans, allowing a somewhat longer stay in the country and work permits (so as to better collect taxes), but at the same time radically reduced the inflow from Lesotho to South Africa, even though a large share of Lesotho’s GDP comes from migrant workers.

If SA police chief Cele were actually serious about foreign criminals he might concentrate a bit more of his force’s effort on a really dangerous crew: Fifa. With the possible exception of Wall Street and the City of London, no more larcenous gangs of white-collar thugs are to be found than in Zurich, both in the banks which financed apartheid when no one else would, and at the soccer body’s temporary hideout south of Johannesburg.

The latter mafia is so self-confident in dealing with General Cele’s mentally-corrupted South African Police Service that last Friday, Fifa general secretary Jerome Valcke openly bragged how they will spirit away $3.2 billion in pure profit (50% more than the $1.8 billion taken from Germany four years ago).

Fifa pays no taxes, ignores exchange controls, and is quite likely preparing South Africa for a currency crash in the process.

To ensure the heist is complete, Cele’s police are obviously on the take, observers confidently conclude – but not because there’s evidence of Fifa’s fabled fraud squad at work. No, just as debilitating is the above-board commercial, contractual corruption in evidence these past few days:

• in the service of the main company providing security at the World Cup games, Stallion – a firm which should have been banned last year, as promised by Labour Minister Shepherd Mdladlana, and which in 2001 was responsible for a soccer stampeded in Johannesburg that left more than 40 fans dead – the police enforced Stallion’s exploitative low-wage regime, heaving stun grenades and tear gas at hundreds of unpaid workers after a night game in Durban, and even shooting a Cape Town bystander multiple times with rubber bullets in similar confrontations;

• no wonder, because Linda Mti – the former prisons commissioner linked financially to the notorious, privatized Lindela transit camp for arrested immigrants (as well as a triple arrestee on drunk driving charges) – is head of security for Fifa’s Local Organising Committee;

• defending that pissy US beer Budweiser, the police were again at Fifa’s service when they arrested two Dutchwomen during the Holland-Denmark game, because their subtle ‘ambush marketing’ amounted merely to wearing orange dresses with a tiny Bavarian beer logo;

• at a Fan Fest at Durban’s South Beach, police arrested local environmentalist Alice Thomson last Monday for passing out anti-Fifa fliers regarding the June 16 march to City Hall; and

• a man caught with 30 game tickets ‘and no explanation’ got a three-year jail sentence, while hardened criminals roam the streets freely.

Thieving and trademarking the local culture, as well, Fifa and corporate partner CocaCola also tried to steal Africa’s soul by paying Somali singer K’naan to raise spirits with his easy ‘Wavin’ Flag’ lyrics. But that won’t work, for much more challenging tunes for Fifa to digest have been produced – and are free to download on the internet – by hip-hop artists Nomadic Wax and DJ Magee (‘World Cup’), Chomsky AllStars (‘The Beautiful Gain’) and, best of all, Durban’s own Ewok (‘Shame on the Beautiful Game’).

On July 3, another City Hall rally – this time against xenophobia – will let Durban reproduce a genuine African ubuntu spirit that can withstand Bafana’s defeat, Fifa’s profiteering and all the other losses we are suffering.

Patrick Bond directs the Durban-based Centre for Civil Society, an institute dedicated to furthering the memory of SA’s greatest political economist of sport, Dennis Brutus, 1924-2009. Brutus was a Robben Island prison veteran; a critic of corporate athletics including Fifa; the primary organiser of 1960s Olympic Boycott of white South Africa, of expulsion of white SA from Fifa in 1976, and of 1970s-80s cricket, rugby and tennis anti-apartheid campaigns; a leading poet and literary scholar; a global justice movement strategist; and at time of death, a Centre for Civil Society Honorary Professor. Until his last breath, he opposed the World Cup™  being held in a country characterized by what he termed ‘class apartheid’. 

 

(Quelle: Counterpunch.)

 

Siehe auch:

Groups on High Alert for Post-Cup Xenophobia

 

BRD: Rassismus? Hier?!? Ja, wo denn?!

Mittwoch, Juni 30th, 2010

“SIXT Sommerloch: Supremacy als Werbegag

Veröffentlicht am 30. Juni 2010 von Red. der braune mob

Offensichtlich hat SIXT kein Interesse daran, an Schwarze Menschen zu vermieten – sonst würden sie sie weniger unverschämt instrumentalisieren. Das kann man sch ja für die nächste Mietwagensuche vormerken.

Diese Mail -und damit verbundene Werbung- erreichte uns heute:

quelle: sixt, FAZ

Einsendung dazu:

—— Weitergeleitete Nachricht
Von: Mekonnen Mesghena
Datum: Mon, 28 Jun 2010 11:10:43 +0200
An: Werberat
Betreff: Sixt-Werbung in der Süddeutschen Zeitung vom 23.06.2010

Sehr geehrte Damen und Herren,

die Sixt-Werbung in der Süddeutschen Zeitung vom 23.06.2010 (siehe Anlage) verkörpert eine ethnozentrische Weltsicht, die rassistisch und chauvinistisch ist. Sixt benutzt die Wohlstandsgefälle zwischen Reich (Deutschland) und Arm (Ghana), um die Überlegenheit Deutschlands gegenüber Ghana zu demostrieren. Diese ewigen Klischees eines armen, chaotischen und unterlegenen Afrikas sind es genau die Bilder, die die Denkweise der Mehrheitsbevölkerung über den Kontinent Afrika prägen. Bei aller Freiheit und Kreativität der Werbung bleibt der ständige Rückgriff auf solche alten und chauvinistischen Klischees abgeschmackt und beleidigend.

Gegen eine solche ethnozentrische Weltsicht in der besagten Sixt-Werbung protestiere ich aufs Schärfste. Den Deutschen Werberat möchte ich deshalb dringend dazu ermutigen, sich mit dem Inhalt der Werbung auseinander zu setzen.

Mit freundlichen Grüßen

Mekonnen Mesghena

====================
Mekonnen Mesghena
Department Head
Migration & Diversity

Heinrich Boell Stiftung
10117 Berlin, Germany

www.boell.de
www.migration-boell.de
diversity@boell.de
====================

Kontakt zu SIXT:

Mailadresse: InvestorRelations@sixt.de

Sixt GmbH & Co Autovermietung KG , Zugspitzstr. 1 ,D-82049 Pullach

Vorsitzender des Vorstands: Erich Sixt
Vorstand: Dr. Julian zu Putlitz, Detlev Pätsch

Vorsitzender des Aufsichtsrats: Dr. Gunter Thielen
Stellvertretender Vorsitzender des Aufsichtsrats: Thierry Antinori
Aufsichtsrat: Ralf Teckentrup

Tel: +49-(0)89 74444-0 ; Fax: +49-(0)89 74444-86666
Mailformular: http://ag.sixt.de/no_cache/kontakteadressen/kontaktformular/

*

Anmerkung des Mob:

Da der ‘Werberat’ sich offensichtlich vor allem aus Menschen zusammensetzt, die keine Vorbildung in den Bereichen ’struktureller Rassismus’, ‘dominanter Diskurs’ oder ‘critical whiteness studies’ besitzen, und darüber hinaus ein Gremium der Werbewirtschaft selbst ist (also nicht unabhängig), erkennen wir seine Entscheidungen in Diskriminierungs-Angelegenheiten nicht an.

Unsere Erfahrungen mit dem “Werberat”, was eigene Positionierung und Aufklärungsversuche angeht, sind entsprechend. Siehe: http://www.derbraunemob.info/deutsch/content/sogehtsnicht/content_daneben_hoerzu.htm

Auch findet sich auf der Homepage des Werberates die “Rasse“.

Dies hatten wir (gut erklärt) moniert, es kam keine Antwort.

Eine vielsagende ‘Entscheidung’ des Werberates kann man auch hier nachlesen.

Es bleibt natürlich trotzdem allen ungenommen, sich an diese Gruppe zu wenden. Wir halten direktes Verbraucher_innen-Feedback an die Firmen jedoch für mindestens ebenso wichtig und erfolgversprechend. Ohne Zuschriften der “Verbraucher_innen” bzw Zielgruppe gibt es für die betreffenden Gewerbetreibenden keinen Grund zur Auseinandersetzung mit dem Grad der Demokratie oder des Diskriminierungsgehaltes ihrer Außendarstellung.

Wir sind allerdings auch der Ansicht, dass es beim Konsument_innenfeedback nicht darauf ankommt, die Firmen von der eigenen Meinung zu überzeugen, sondern ihnen diese einfach nur deutlich mitzuteilen. Der Sinn von Feedback ist ja nicht unbedingt “Einsicht beim Gegenüber” sondern zunächst, sich selbst mit diskriminierender Werbung nicht einverstanden zu zeigen, und danach, die Firma zu anderem Handeln zu bewegen. Dies machen Firmen meistens ohnehin ganz unabhängig von “Überzeugung”, sondern einfach aus ökonomischen oder Publicity-Gründen. Je mehr Menschen sagen/schreiben, dass sie etwas daneben finden, desto wahrscheinlicher ist auch ein Erfolg – egal wie diese Menschen sich ausdrücken.”

 

(Quelle: Der braune Mob.)

Republik Südafrika: Stallion Security, eine Firma mit zweifelhaftem Ruf

Mittwoch, Juni 30th, 2010

“Workers Left Behind at the World Cup

The 2010 World Cup in South Africa was going to be a shining moment for Africa, but things haven’t exactly gone according to plan. Of the tournament’s six African teams, all but Ghana have been eliminated early. Half-empty stadiums early in the tournament suggest that the glittering architectural showpieces of the World Cup will quickly become albatrosses. A team of foreigners will leave South Africa with a trophy, and soccer’s international master, FIFA will make billions. The people of South Africa will receive far less. The disappointments of the World Cup are clearest in the sad saga of Stallion Security.

Stallion Security at the World Cup

Stallion Security was contracted to provide security at four of the World Cup stadiums. It is hard to tell exactly what Stallion promised its 3,600 workers. The company itself seems not to know. One worker in Johannesburg was promised 500 Rand for a twelve-hour shift. This works out to a little more than $5 an hour, but in a country facing staggering income inequality and 25% unemployment, the Stallion job was a good job. Others seem to have been promised three times as much. What is clear is that Stallion paid less than half of what they promised, and failed to pay some stadium guards at all.

On June 16th, after a match between Germany and Australia, the Stallion guards went on strike to protest their ill-treatment. FIFA and the South African government responded swiftly and aggressively. When the strikers overturned trash receptacles, they faced teargas and rubber bullets. South African police took control of security at the stadium, and as the strike spread to the other stadiums staffed by Stallion, so did the police presence. Soon all 3,600 Stallion employees — including those never associated with the strike — were fired. FIFA transferred security duties to the police. The soccer goes on as planned, and a few thousand South Africans are a couple thousand dollars poorer.

The Past of Stallion Security

This is not the first time that Stallion Security has been linked to the most unsavory aspects of world sports. In 2001, Stallion provided security to a soccer match in Johannesburg between the Kaiser Chiefs and the Orlando Pirates. Due to incompetence and corruption, too many tickets were sold to fans, and a crush of people pressed their way into the stadium. Stallion’s beleaguered guards fired teargas into the crowd. The stampede left 43 people dead. It seems Stallion’s past did not send up any red flags for FIFA or the World Cup Organizing Committee.

The Way Forward, and Those Left Behind

The legal battle to right the wrongs of World Cup security will begin soon. Yes, Stallion Security is suing the World Cup Local Organizing Committee for terminating their contract halfway through the tournament. The thousands of South Africans have fewer options, and wait and hope for Stallion to pay them for the hours they already worked.

Sports can be wonderful and inspiring, as anyone watching the United States in this World Cup can attest. Sports can give us goals in the ninety-first minute and tennis matches that last eleven hours. But sports are also a business, and all too often a business in which average people subsidize the grand commercial projects of the elite. The people of South Africa pay for eight soccer arenas, and FIFA takes the profits. The next time FIFA, the International Olympic Committee, or even the Oakland A’s come to a community demanding special treatment, it is worth remembering the broken promises of Stallion Security.”

(Quelle: Center for Media and Democracy.)