Posts Tagged ‘Gold’

Mali: Fette Beute

Montag, Januar 28th, 2013

“France launches bombing of northern Mali, with Canadian support


France, the former slave power of west Africa, has poured into Mali with a vengeance in a military attack launched on January 11. French warplanes are bombing towns and cities across the vast swath of northern Mali, a territory measuring some one thousand kilometers from south to north and east to west. French soldiers in armoured columns have launched a ground offensive, beginning with towns in the south of the northern territory, some 300 km north and east of the Malian capital of Bamako.

A French armoured convoy entered Mali several days ago from neighbouring Ivory Coast, another former French colony. French troops spearheaded the overthrow of that country’s government in 2011.

The invasion has received universal support from France’s imperialist allies. The U.S., Canada and Europe are assisting financially and with military transport. Earlier this week, Stephen Harper announced that Canada’s contribution would include the use of one C-17 military transport plane. 

To provide a figleaf of African legitimacy, plans have been accelerated to introduce troops from eight regional countries to join the fighting (map here).

“Islamist terrorists” etc., etc.

The public relations version of the French et al invasion is a familiar refrain. “Islamic terrorists” and “jihadists” have taken control of northern Mali and are a threat to international security and to the well-being of the local population. Terrible atrocities against the local populace are alleged and given wide publicity by corporate media. Similar myths were peddled by the warmakers when they invaded Afghanistan in 2001 and Iraq in 2003.

It is true that Islamic fundamentalists have ruled northern Mali with an iron hand since taking over in 2012. But the reasons for this latest intervention lie in the determination of the world’s imperial powers to keep the human and natural resources of poor regions of the world as preserves for capitalist profits. West Africa is a region of great resource wealth, including gold, oil and uranium.

The uranium mines in neighbouring Niger and the uranium deposits in Mali are of particular interest to France, which generates 78 percent of its electricity from nuclear energy. Niger’s uranium mines are highly polluting and deeply resented by the population, including among the semi-nomadic, Touareg people who reside in the mining regions. The French company Areva is presently constructing in Imouraren, Niger what will become the second largest uranium mine in the world.

Notwithstanding the fabulous wealth created by uranium mining, Niger is one of the poorest countries on Earth. As one European researcher puts it, “Uranium mining in Niger sustains light in France and darkness in Niger.”

Mali (population 15.5 million) is the third-largest gold producing country in Africa. Canada’s IAMGOLD operates two mines there (and a third in nearby Burkina Faso). Many other Canadian and foreign investors are present. 

A key player in the unfolding war is Algeria. The government there is anxious to prove its loyalty to imperialism. Its lengthy border with northern Mali is a key zone for the “pacification” of northern Mali upon which France and its allies are embarked.

Further proof of the hypocrisy of the “democracy” that France claims to be fighting for in Mali is found in the nature of the Mali regime with which it is allied. Often presented in mainstream media as a “beacon of democracy” in west Africa, the Mali government was little more than a corrupt and pliant neo-colonial regime before last year when the U.S.-trained and equipped Mali army twice overthrew it–in March and again in December. The Mali army now scrambling to fight alongside its French big brother was condemned and boycotted by the U.S., Europe and Canada during a brief, sham interlude of concern following the first coup.

Today, the Mali government is a shell of a regime that rules at the behest of the Mali military, the latter’s foreign trainers, and the foreign mining companies that provide much of its revenue.

The Touareg people

At the political heart of the conflict in Mali is the decades-long struggle of the Touareg, a semi-nomadic people numbering some 1.2 million. Their language is part of the Berber language group. Their historic homeland includes much of Niger and northern Mali and smaller parts of Nigeria, Burkina Faso, Algeria and Libya. They call themselves Kel Tamasheq (speakers of the Tamasheq language).

The Touareg have fought a succession of rebellions in the 20th century against the borders imposed by colonialism and then defended by post-independence, neo-colonial regimes. They are one of many minority nationalities in west Africa fighting for national self-determination, including the Sahwari of Western Sahara, a region controlled by Morocco and whose Sahwari leadership, the Polisario Front, is widely recognized internationally, and the Biafrans of Nigeria (whose story is told here and in a new book, ‘The Biafran War: The Struggle for Modern Nigeria,’ by Michael Gould).

The Tuareg were brutally subdued by colonial France at the outset of the 20th century. Following the independence of Mali and neighbouring countries in 1960, they continued to suffer discrimination. A First Touareg Rebellion took place in 1962-64.

A second, larger rebellion began in 1990 and won some autonomy from the Mali government that was elected in 1992 and re-elected in 1997. A third rebellion in Mali and Niger in 2007 won further political and territorial concessions, but these were constantly reneged. A Libya-brokered peace deal ended fighting in 2009.

The Mali state and army constantly sought to retake what they had lost. Violence and even massacres against the Touareg population pushed matters to a head in 2011. The army was defeated by the military forces of the National Liberation Movement of Azawad and on April 6, 2012, the MNLA declared an independent Azawad, as they call northern Mali and surrounding region. The Touareg are one of several national groups within the disputed territory.

The independence declaration proved premature and unsustainable. The MNLA was soon pushed aside by Islamist-inspired armed groups that oppose Touareg self-determination and an independent state. The army, meanwhile, continued to harass and kill people. A group of 17 visiting Muslim clerics, for example, were massacred on September 22, 2012.

According to unconfirmed reports, the MNLA has renounced the goal of an independent Azawad. It entered into talks with the Mali regime in December for autonomy in the northern region. A January 13 statement on the group’s website acquiesces to the French intervention but says it should not allow troops of the Mali army to pass beyond the border demarcation line declared in April of last year. 

Militarization of Mali and west Africa

Mali is one of the poorest places on earth but has been drawn into the whirlwind of post-September, 2001 militarization led by the United States. U.S. armed forces have been training the Mali military for years. In 2005, the U.S. established the Trans-Sahara Counter-Terrorism Partnership comprising eleven ‘partner’ African countries-Algeria, Burkina Faso, Libya, Morocco, Tunisia, Chad, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria and Senegal.

The ‘partnership’ conducts annual military exercises termed ‘Flintlock.’ This year’s exercise is to take place in Niger and according to the January 12 Globe and Mail, “Canada’s military involvement in Niger has already commenced.”

Canadian troops have participated in military exercises in west Africa since at least 2008. In 2009, Mali was named one of six “countries of focus” in Africa for Canadian aid. Beginning that year, Canadian aid to Mali leaped to where it is now one of the largest country recipients of Canada aid funds.

In 2008, Canada quietly launched a plan to establish at least six, new military bases abroad, including two in Africa. (It is not known exactly where the Africa part of the plan stands today.)

War atrocities

Only days into the French attack, evidence is mounting of significant civilian and military casualties. In the town of Douentza in central Mali, injured civilians can’t reach the local hospital, according to Médecins sans frontières (Doctors Without Borders). “Because of the bombardments and fighting, nobody is moving in the streets of Douentza and patients are not making it through to the hospital,” said a statement by the agency’s emergency response co-ordinator Rosa Crestani.

The International Red Cross is reporting scores of civilian and military casualties in the towns coming under French attack.

Amnesty International is worried. Its West Africa researcher, Salvatore Saguès, was in the country last September and saw the recruitment of children into the Mali army. He is worried about retaliatory attacks by the army if it retakes control of the towns and cities it has lost, notably in the northern cities of Gao, Kidal and Timbuktu.

He also warned of the plans to bring neighbouring armies into northern Mali. “These armies, who are already committing serious violations in their countries, are most likely to do the same, or at least not behave in accordance to international law if they are in Mali,” he said.

According to the U.N. refugee agency UNHCR, the latest crisis has internally displaced nearly 230,000 Malians. An additional 144,500 Malians were already refugees in neighbouring countries.

UNHCR spokesperson Adrian Edwards says half the population of the town of Konna, some 5,000 people, sought as French bombs threatened to fall by fleeing across the River Niger.

In an ominous sign of more civilian casualties to come, and echoing the excuses for atrocities by invading armies against civilians in Iraq, Afghanistan and Palestine in recent years, French military commanders are complaining of the difficulty in distinguishing fighters they are bombing from non-combatant populations. France’s army chief Edouard Guillaud told Reuters that France’s air strikes were being hampered because militants were using civilian populations as shields.

No to the war in Mali

The military attack in Mali was ordered by French President François Hollande, the winner of the 2012 election on behalf of the Socialist Party. His decision has been condemned by groups on the political left in France, including the Nouveau parti anticapitaliste and the Gauche anticapitaliste. The latter is a tendency with the Front de gauche (Left Front) that captured 11 percent of the first-round presidential vote last year.

Shockingly, the Left Front leadership group has come out in favour of the intervention. Deputy François Asensi spoke on behalf of the party leadership in the National Assembly on January 16 and declared, “The positions of the deputies of the Left Front, Communists and republicans, is clear: To abandon the people of Mali to the barbarism of fanatics would be a moral mistake…”

“International military action was necessary in order to avoid the installation of a terrorist state.”

His statement went on to complain that President Hollande did not bother to seek the approval of the National Assembly.

A January 12 statement by the French Communist Party (PCF), a component of the Left Front, said, “The PCF shares the concern of Malians over the armed offensive of the Jihadist groups towards the south of their country… The party recalls here that the response to the request for assistance by the president of Mali should have been made in the framework of a United Nations and African Union sponsorship, under the flag of the UN…”

Unlike the overthrow of Haiti’s elected government in 2004, which the PCF and Socialist Party supported at the time, France and its allies did not feel the need to obtain a rubber stamp of approval from the UN Security Council this time in Mali. But doing so would not have changed the predatory nature of this latest mission, just as it didn’t in Haiti.

 A January 15 statement by the Canadian Peace Alliance explains, “The real reason for NATO’s involvement is to secure strategic, resource rich areas of Africa for the West. Canadian gold mining operations have significant holdings in Mali as do may other western nations…

“It is ironic that since the death of Osama Bin Laden, the US military boasts that Al-Qaeda is on the run and has no ability to wage its war. Meanwhile, any time there is a need for intervention, there is suddenly a new Al-Qaeda threat that comes out of the woodwork. 

“Canada must not participate in this process of unending war.”

That’s a call to action which should be acted upon in the coming days and weeks as one of the poorest and most ecologically fragile regions of the world falls victim to deeper militarization and plundering.


Roger Annis is a social rights and trade union activist in Vancouver, B.C. He can be reached at rogerannis[at]hotmail[dot]com



Siehe auch:

Frankreichs Militär mordet in Mali
Der Ali in Mali – Schnell mal Krieg machen

Bolivien: “Faires Gold”

Dienstag, Oktober 23rd, 2012

“The Project


The jewellery industry is the largest consumer of gold, highlighting its qualities as a symbol of status and as a portable, fungible store of wealth even in troubled times. The story of humanity is linked to gold perhaps because it shines or because it’s uncommon and durable; gold has been acknowledged for its symbolic meanings of luxury, status and prestige.

For Artisanal and Small Scale Miners (ASM) throughout the world, gold is a livelihood. They extract it in order to live day by day working in difficult conditions and to earn some money for a better future for themselves and for their families. Artisanal and Small Scale Mining receives displaced, unskilled and migrant workers who barely realise that what they produce is such an object of luxury in the worl.

Artisanal gold represents a complex paradox; it is hard to understand that the same metal represents vastly opposite things to miners and consumers. To the first, gold is subsistence; to the latter it is luxury. We belive that this paradox is a great developmental opportunity.

All of the gold produced by ASM reaches the global supply chain, and is ultimately refined in the same places, where gold from different sources becomes mixed into one. By creating a traceable path and incentives for responsible ASM to reach the market, we are providing a vehicle for the jewellery industry to transform the realities of ASM, which represent 90% of the workforce of the overall gold mining industry, contributing to a more sustainable planet and a fairer world.

Our dream is to unify producer and consumer criteria into one long term vision.

In Bolivia, Cumbre del Sajama is the support organization that works in the field with miners, encouraging them to improve their production systems and to reach the international market.

The main partners for archieving the strategic objectives are the Alliance for Responsible Mining (ARM) and Fairtrade Labelling Organisations International (FLO). These two organizations developed the first ever third party independent certification for gold in order to archieve social, environmental and economic development in artisanal and small-scale mining communities.

The partnership enables both organisations to meet shared strategic objectives, creating a system to ensure that artisanal and small-scale miners (ASM) can earn a better price for their gold. The partnership is communicated on product via a co-labelling hallmark using both the FAIRTRADE and FAIRMINED marks.

What are the challenges for Artisanal and Small Scale Miners (ASM)?

Despite producing gold, most ASM families are poor. Even worse, they are mostly kept in the “poverty trap” of informal economy, being taken advantage of by unscrupulous middlemen, lacking financial capital and legal security to improve their mines and increase productivity, and suffering from appalling labour and environmental conditions. Miners working under such conditions are then accused of being irresponsible and the vicious circle is closed by denying their right to formalize. Nevertheless, the vast majority of artisanal miners aspire to improve their livelihoods and are willing to work in a responsible manner, given proper incentives.

One of the main challenges for ASM is (…).”



(Quelle: Fair Gold Bolivia.)


Die Oktober-2012-Ausgabe der Zeitschrift “Lateinamerika Nachrichten” widmet sich in einem umfangreichen Dossier zum Bergbau in Lateinamerika auch dem Thema Kleinbergbau. Dieses Dossier kann in unserer Bücherei entliehen werden.

Ghana: Konzern wollte Zyanidunfall vertuschen

Freitag, September 30th, 2011

“Zyanidunfall in Goldmine des Bergbaugiganten Newmont – Wikileaks Depeschen bestätigen Vertuschungsversuche

Köln/Wien, 29. September 2011. Im Oktober 2009 ereignete sich ein schwerwiegender Unfall in der Ahafo-Goldmine in Ghana, bei dem hochgiftiges Zyanid austrat. Neue Veröffentlichungen der Enthüllungsplattform Wikileaks decken auf, dass sich das verantwortliche Unternehmen Newmont damals grob fahrlässig verhalten hat. Außerdem wurde versucht, den Unfall zu vertuschen. Diese Dokumente belegen einmal mehr, dass der hochlukrative Abbau von Gold oft verheerende Folgen für Mensch und Umwelt hat, Regulierung und Kontrolle der Unternehmen aber völlig unzureichend sind.

Am 8. Oktober 2009 gelangte hochgiftiges Zyanid aus der Ahafo-Mine in die umliegenden Flüsse. Zwei Tage später entdeckten Anwohner der Mine tote Fische im Fluss und schlugen beim Minenbetreiber Newmont Alarm. Aus den jetzt veröffentlichten Dokumenten geht hervor, dass die Kommission der ghanaischen Regierung, die den Zyanidunfall untersuchte, zu dem Ergebnis kam, dass Newmont sich „fahrlässig verhalten“ habe, „den Vorfall zu vertuschen versuchte“ und erst mit zweitägiger Verspätung an die Behörden meldete. Ein Vertreter der ghanaischen Umweltbehörde beschrieb das Verhalten von Newmont in dem Fall als „sehr unprofessionell“ und bemerkte zudem, dass Newmont „mangelhafte interne Sicherheitskontrollen“ gehabt habe.

Trotz dieses gravierenden Unfalls und breiter Proteste erhielt Newmont im Januar 2010 die Genehmigung für eine zweite Tagebaumine in Ghana in der Region Akyem, von der auch ein Waldschutzgebiet betroffen sein wird. Ghana ist als Unterzeichnerstaat des Pakts über wirtschaftliche, soziale und kulturelle Menschenrechte dazu verpflichtet, das Recht auf Nahrung und Wasser der Menschen in Ahafo und Akyem zu respektieren, zu schützen und zu gewährleisten. Die Regierung muss sicherstellen, dass die Lebensgrundlagen der ländlichen Gemeinschaften, insbesondere die Flussläufe geschützt werden. 

Die Ahafo-Mine wurde im März 2008 unter dem International Cyanide Management Code (ICMC) zertifiziert, als erste Newmont-Mine und erste Mine in Afrika.  Der ICMC ist ein freiwilliger, von der Industrie selbst entwickelter Verhaltenscode. „Das Verhalten des Unternehmens verdeutlicht einmal mehr die Notwendigkeit staatlicher Regulierung und menschenrechtlicher Kontrolle für Bergbauunternehmen. Von der Industrie selbst auferlegte Kriterien bewahren die Minengemeinden nicht vor Verletzungen des Menschenrechts auf Wasser“, so Brigitte Reisenberger von FIAN Österreich und Co-Autorin des Schwarzbuch Gold, das die Vertuschungsversuche Newmonts bereits vor der Veröffentlichung der Depesche thematisierte. „Diese neuen Veröffentlichungen bestätigen nun wie fahrlässig Newmont gehandelt hat. Die Umweltbehörde darf als staatliche Institution nicht davor zurückschrecken, umweltrechtliche Genehmigungen auch wieder zu entziehen.“ so Sebastian Rötters, Bergbau-Referent von FIAN Deutschland.

Kontakt: Brigitte Reisenberger, FIAN Österreich, +43-699-1111-4864,

Sebastian Rötters, FIAN Deutschland, +49-163-477-2758,

Bitte beachten Sie, dass es sich bei um eine reine Absendeadresse handelt. E-Mails an diese Adresse werden nicht beantwortet.

Sebastian Rötters
FIAN Deutschland e.V.
Briedeler Straße 13, 50969 Köln, Germany
Tel.:  +49-221 / 70 200 72
Durchwahl: +49-221 / 8008 790
FIAN (FoodFirst Informations- & Aktions-Netzwerk) ist eine internationale Menschenrechtsorganisation für das Recht auf Nahrung mit Mitgliedern in 60 Ländern.


(Quelle: FIAN.)

Indonesien: Konzern darf weiterhin Giftmüll verklappen

Dienstag, Mai 17th, 2011

“Newmont Secures Permit to Send Mining Waste Out to Sea

By Fidelis E. Satriastanti

The company’s previous permit to channel its tailing to the bottom of the sea off its gold mine in West Sumbawa, West Nusa Tenggara, which had been issued in 2002, expired on Sunday.

“There are some stricter regulations for them to follow, such as the limitation of waste volume dumped per year, the levels of materials, and the company is under obligation to conduct toxicology tests on local people and geo-hydrologic tests,” said Masnellyarti Hilman, deputy of toxic waste management.

The mining company’s spokesman confirmed the deal. “We have received a tailing placement permit renewal for a period of five years,” spokesman Rubi Purnomo told the Jakarta Globe by text message.

He said that the miner would have to meet stricter monitoring requirements, but gave no additional details.

Environment Minister Gusti Muhammad Hatta said on Thursday that the company was allowed to dump maximum 51 million metric tons of mining waste per year, or a daily average of 140,000 tons.

The agreement also stipulates that if there were an increase in production, the company would be allowed to dump 54 million tons per year or 148,000 tons per day. However, the increased output would have to be reported to the Environment Ministry.

In addition, the company, the local unit of the US-based organization, is required to assess the ecological state of the southern and western coastal areas of West Sumbawa annually, increase monitoring quality and gauge health conditions that include heavy metal contamination in people living near the project.

Meanwhile, Pius Ginting, a campaigner at the Indonesian Forum for the Environment, said that the ministry had overstepped its jurisdiction by issuing the extension.

“Based on the environmental law and mining law, permits are given in accordance to areas of jurisdictions. If it concerns the district, the permit is issued by the district chief; if it is provincial, it is given by governor; and if it involves provinces then it is given by the ministry,” said Pius. The ministry issuing a permit for a district level operations could be considered against the law, he said.

He said that the West Sumbawa district head had already issued decision to ban the company’s tailing activities to Senunu Bay last month.”


(Quelle: The Jakarta Globe.)

Demokratische Republik Kongo: Edelmetall-Export wieder erlaubt

Freitag, März 11th, 2011

“DR Congo lifts ban on gold, tin and coltan mining


A ban on mining in the east of the Democratic Republic of Congo that was imposed six months ago has been lifted.

The government stopped mining operations in three provinces because of the involvement of criminal groups and militias in the industry.

The Mining minister said there had been successful army operations against the militias since September.

Civil servants had also been deployed to ensure shipments were properly labelled and could be traced, he said.

The trade in illegal minerals has fuelled 15 years of conflict in eastern DR Congo.

The BBC’s Thomas Hubert in the eastern city of Goma says the lifting of the ban on mining tin, gold and coltan ore will bring relief to thousands of diggers and traders who had been unemployed since September.

But the recent discovery of an illegal gold smuggling route between DR Congo and Kenya has led to scepticism that the ban had worked.

Efficient traceability

Some experts say both rebel movements and Congolese Government soldiers have simply consolidated their grip on the trade in that time.
DR Congo’s Mining minster Martin Kabwelulu disputes this.

‘We will be able to implement efficient traceability from the minerals’ extraction to their exportation,’ he said.

‘This time, everyone has made a commitment to denounce all military, civilian and police who may still be involved in the exploitation of minerals.’
However, the head of the mining business federation in North Kivu province, Mr John Kanyoni, says new US legislation could soon put a stop to mineral exports.

From April 1, US electronics manufacturers will have to ensure they are not buying conflict minerals.
‘We did appreciate really the lift of the ban, but we are not solving the problem because we do still have very big issues with the US legislation, which is practically impossible today to fulfil because they are asking 100 per cent traceability and certification.'”


(Quelle: Africa Review.)

Guatemala: Streit um Goldmine eskaliert

Samstag, Juli 24th, 2010

“Gold um jeden Preis – Streit um größte Goldmine Guatemalas eskaliert

Kanadisches Unternehmen widersetzt sich Anordnungen der Interamerikanischen Menschenrechtskommission – Bergbaugegnerin von Unbekannten niedergeschossen

Köln – Mit großer Sorge beobachtet die Menschenrechtsorganisation FIAN die sich zuspitzende Lage in der Umgebung der Marlin-Goldmine in Guatemala. Die Mine ist seit ihrer Errichtung äußerst umstritten, weil die Rechte der dort lebenden indigenen Bevölkerung nicht respektiert werden. Vorläufiger trauriger Höhepunkt ist das Attentat auf Diodora Antonia Hernández Cinto, eine führende Vertreterin der Bewegung gegen die Marlin-Mine. Sie wurde am 7. Juli 2010 in ihrem Haus von Unbekannten niedergeschossen. Eine weitere Gewalteskalation ist nicht auszuschließen. FIAN hat daher eine internationale Briefaktion gestartet.

Seit dem 20. Mai 2010 hatten die indigenen Gemeinschaften von Sipakapa und San Miguel Ixtahuacán nach langem Kampf gegen das Bergbauprojekt Marlin wieder Hoffnung geschöpft. Die Interamerikanische Menschenrechtskommission (CIDH, Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos) hatte einstweilige Verfügungen zugunsten des Lebens und der persönlichen Unversehrtheit der Gemeinschaften erlassen und den Stopp der Bergbauaktivitäten des kanadischen Unternehmens Goldcorp Inc. in der Marlin-Mine angeordnet. Am 23. Juni 2010 erklärte die Regierung Guatemalas, dass sie die von der CIDH erlassenen Maßnahmen umsetzen werde. Jedoch hat der kanadische Konzern verkündet, dass er den Goldabbau in Marlin nicht stoppen werde. Seitdem sind einige Wochen vergangen und die Umsetzung des Versprechens der Regierung steht noch aus.

Der Staat Guatemala hat die Konvention 169 der Internationalen Arbeitsorganisation (ILO) über die Rechte der indigenen Völker ratifiziert und damit anerkannt, dass alle Projekte, die sich auf das Leben und das Gebiet von indigenen Gemeinschaften auswirken, nur mit freier und informierter Zustimmung der indigenen Völker umgesetzt werden dürfen. 2010 haben der UN-Sonderberichterstatter für indigene Völker, James Anaya, sowie das Expertenkomitee der ILO festgestellt, dass die Regierung die Lizenz für die Marlin-Mine ohne eine solche Zustimmung erteilt hatte. Bei einer Befragung am 18. Juni 2005 hatten 97 Prozent der BewohnerInnen von Sipakapa das Marlin-Projekt abgelehnt.

Die Menschenrechtsverletzungen durch das Marlin-Projekt sind eindeutig. Besonders gravierend sind die Verschmutzung und der Verbrauch des von den Gemeinschaften verwendeten Wassers. Das Unternehmen benötigt nach eigenen Angaben 45.000 Liter pro Stunde. Monitoring-Untersuchungen der Comisión Paz y Ecología (Friedens- und Umweltkommission) der Diözese von San Marcos haben ergeben, dass die Mine das Wasser der Flüsse mit Schwermetallen verunreinigt. Nach einer jüngst von der Universität von Michigan veröffentlichten Studie wurden in Blut- und Urinproben, die bei einigen Bewohnern aus der unmittelbaren Umgebung der Marlin-Mine genommen worden sind, toxische Metalle gefunden.

„Die Arbeit der Mine muss sofort eingestellt werden. Die guatemaltekische Regierung ist verpflichtet, die Anordungen der Interamerikanischen Menschenrechtskommission umgehend umzusetzen und so die Menschenrechte auf Nahrung, Wasser und Gesundheit zu schützen’, fordert Martin Wolpold-Bosien, Zentralamerika-Referent von FIAN.

Kontakt: Martin Wolpold-Bosien, FIAN International, wolpold-bosien [at], Tel.: 0177-3391263″


(Quelle: FIAN Deutschland e.V..)