Posts Tagged ‘USA’

USA: Freiheit für Leonard Peltier!

Freitag, Februar 3rd, 2012

“Zur aktuellen Situation von Leonard Peltier

Vom Netzwerk Freiheit für alle pol. Gefangenen, 27.01.2012 08:29

Image

Am 15. September 20011 wurde Leonard Peltier, mittlerweile 67 Jahre alt, in ein Gefängnis in Florida, über 3000 Meilen weit weg von seiner Familie, verlegt.
Davor verbrachte er 6 Monate unter Isolationshaftbedingungen.

Leonard Peltier, mittlerweile 67 Jahre alt, sitzt seit 36 Jahren als politischer Gefangener in US- amerikanischen Gefängnissen. Das American Indian Movement, eine Befreiungsbewegung der Native Americans, welcher Peltier angehörte, war Ende der 70 er Jahre in der Pine Ridge Reservation aktiv und verteidigte die indianische Bevölkerung erfolgreich gegen paramilitärische Banden die diese unter Anleitung des FBI tyrannisierten und über 60 Menschen ermordeten. 1975 wurde Leonard Peltier, unter dem fälschlichen Vorwurf zwei FBI Agenten erschossen zu haben, verhaftet. Es handelte sich um eine der damals, gegenüber Bürgerrechtsaktivisten wie ihm, häufigen durch das FBI, fingierten Aktionen, im Rahmen des staatlichen Counterintelligence (Aufstandsbekämpfungs-) Programmes. Verurteilt wurde er, nach einer Flucht nach Kanada und der Auslieferung in Folge der Aussage einer durch das FBI bedrohten Zeugin, zu einer zwei mal lebenslänglichen Freiheitsstrafe.

Am 27.Juni 2011 wurde er in Isolationshaft verlegt. Begründet wurde dies mit dem Fund von 20, ihm vorher offiziell zugeschickten, englischen Pfund in seiner ausgehenden Post, sowie einem offenen Stromkabel am Bett seines zeitweiligen Zellengenossen. Er lebte nun täglich 23 (am Wochenende 24) Stunden in einer 1,80 x 2,40 m großen Stahlbeton – Zelle, ohne Fenster, ohne Wasser und mit lediglich minimaler Frischluftzufuhr und ohne frisches Wasser. Diese Art der Unterbringung, in Deutschland auch als sensorische Deprivation bekannt, bewirkt bei den Gefangenen, schon nach relativ kurzer Zeit, eine extreme körperliche und psychische Beeinträchtigung.
Am 14. September fand seine Verlegung in ein Gefängnis in Oklahoma City/Oklahoma statt und einen Tag später weiter, in ein Hochsicherheitsgefängnis in Coleman/Florida. Dort ist er mehr als 3.200 km Kilometer vom Wohnort seiner Familie entfernt, was Besuche extrem erschwert, teurer und somit seltener, macht.
Seine Gesundheit ist mittlerweile sehr angegriffen.

Um gegen diese menschenverachtenden Zustände zu protestieren und seine Freiheit zu fordern findet am 4.Februar 2012, ab 14.00 Uhr, in Berlin vor der US Botschaft eine Protestkundgebung statt.

Schreibt Leonard an seine neue Adresse:
LEONARD PELTIER #89637-132
USP COLEMAN I
U.S. PENITENTIARY
P.O. BOX 1033
COLEMAN, FL 33521
USA

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(Quelle: de.indemedia.org)

USA: Rendite muss sein

Sonntag, Januar 29th, 2012

“TOILET PAPER

by Bonnie Urfer June 12, 2011

I really want to complain about every woman in this jail receiving one roll of toilet paper to last for the whole week but I can’t because the for-profit jail almost killed my friend Jackie in its “medical” unit.

I really want to complain about the lack of toilet paper but I can’t because Doris walked around with a broken arm for a month before she was taken to the hospital to have it x-rayed and casted.

I want to complain about the toilet paper but I can’t because my friend Ardeth couldn’t eat for most of a month when she didn’t get her medication, neither did Leslie, and Misty who’s a diabetic never gets her sugar tested.

And then there’s the woman who broke her ankle and wasn’t taken to the hospital for a week, and the woman who had open heart surgery and three weeks later was dumped in here on a probation violation near the end of a 5 year term.

When really, I just want to complain because I don’t have enough toilet paper.

(Bonnie is awaiting sentencing for an action on July 5, 2010 at the Y-12 nuclear weapons complex in Tennessee.)”

 

(Quelle: The Nuclear Resister.)

USA: … und jetzt nach Afrika!

Samstag, Januar 28th, 2012

“East Africa Is the New Epicenter of America’s Shadow War

By Spencer Ackerman January 26, 2012 | 6:30 am |

When Adm. Eric Olson, the former leader of U.S. Special Operations Command, wanted to explain where his forces were going, he would show audiences a photo that NASA took, titled “The World at Night.” The lit areas showed the governed, stable, orderly parts of the planet. The areas without lights were the danger zones — the impoverished, the power vacuums, the places overrun with militants that prompted the attention of elite U.S. troops. And few places were darker, in Olson’s eyes, than East Africa.

Quietly, and especially over the last two to three years, special operations forces have focused on that very shadowy spot on NASA’s map (see below). The successful Tuesday night raid to free two humanitarian aid workers from captivity in Somalia is only the most recent and high-profile example. More and more elite forces have transited through a mega-base in Djibouti that’s a staging ground for strikes on al-Qaida allies in the Horn of Africa, especially in Somalia.

It’s not quite the new Pakistan, or even the new Yemen, but it’s close — especially as new bases for the U.S.’s Shadow Wars pop up and expand. The U.S. military sometimes seemed like it was casting about for a reason to set up shop in Africa. Counterterrorism has given it one.

Fighting Somalia’s pirates might get most of the media attention. But the U.S. is much more concerned about al-Shabab. The al-Qaida aligned movement seeks to depose the Somali government, recruits from radicalized American Muslims and may have sought to bring terrorism back to U.S. shores. Just across a very narrow Gulf of Aden is Yemen, the home of al-Qaida in the Arabian Peninsula, which has repeatedly tried to attack America.

In 2009, the top U.S. intelligence official pointed to Yemen and “parts of Africa” where al-Qaida’s leadership might “relocate” if it lost its Pakistani safe haven, to “exploit a weak central government and close proximity to established recruitment, fundraising, and facilitation networks.” His successor told Congress in 2011 that al-Shabab would “probably grow stronger… absent more effective and sustained activities to disrupt them.”

That’s where the forces Olson used to run came in.

Located northwest of Somalia is a former French Foreign Legion base in Djibouti called Camp Lemonnier. The U.S. military has been there for a decade. It’s a resupply point for U.S. ships passing by, as well as the home of a multinational, American-led counterterrorism team called the Combined Joint Task Force-Horn of Africa.

Recently, more and more special operations forces have called it a temporary home. Camp Lemonnier was where the commando team took hostages Jessica Buchanan and Poul Thisted for medical care after freeing them. But the camp is much more than just a big medical facility: it’s also a staging ground for the growing Shadow War in Somalia — and particularly a drone war over it.

Much of the day-to-day fight against al-Shabab is outsourced to African peacekeepers. But the raids and strikes that U.S. commandos have launched against specific Shabab targets are becoming more frequent. Cruise missiles and even, apparently, U.S. helicopter strikes have also hit the group. Special operators even launch raids at sea: this spring, they captured captured one Shabab affiliate, Ahmed Abdulkadir Warsame, offshore in the Gulf of Aden before detaining him for weeks aboard the U.S.S. Boxer.

Then comes the drone war. Lemonnier isn’t the only U.S. base near the Horn. Throughout the last decade, the military ran a smaller special-operations base in Kenya and another in Ethiopia. Now an Ethiopian outpost will become a launchpad for U.S. drones, as will a facility nearby in the Seychelles, all to launch strikes against al-Qaida allies in East Africa. The most recent of them struck Sunday outside Mogadishu, killing a British-born militant.

Nor is the military the only U.S. organization at work in east Africa. Somalia has attracted the CIA as well, which runs a secret prison attached to the Mogadishu airport. During earlier iterations of the CIA’s post-9/11 involvement in Somalia, it blustered that its operations were protected by drones that actually weren’t overhead — all while it assembled a coalition of friendly warlords to help fight al-Qaida. Nor has the FBI been left out of the action: it worked with the special operations forces to free Buchanan and Thisted on Tuesday night, although Navy Capt. John Kirby, a Pentagon spokesman, said no FBI personnel accompanied the raiding team.

Another dramatic expansion of U.S. power in Africa, however, may have been hiding in plain sight.

When President George W. Bush created the U.S. Africa Command in 2007, it wasn’t really clear what the organization was. Humanitarian aid dispensary? Laboratory for African troops to train with their U.S. counterparts? Vehicle for Americanization of Africa’s wars?

The question hasn’t totally been settled. But Africa Command has had a very busy year. In March, it led the initial phase of the U.S./NATO war on Moammar Gadhafi, launching a fusillade of Tomahawk missiles, flew jamming jets and operated conventional ships, subs and fighter jets before handing the war off to a Canadian general. In October, it sent a small advisory force to central Africa to help combat the brutal Lord’s Resistance Army.

Its leader, Army Gen. Carter Ham, hasn’t been in charge for a full year yet, but his busy schedule thus far was capped by last night’s Somalia raid — for which he was the senior-most officer in command, according to the Pentagon. The raid is a sign that Africa Command places great emphasis on its relationship with the U.S.’ elite forces, who, tacitly, help entrench the command’s relevance.

That’s going to remain the case as long as a decimated al-Qaida relies on proxies like al-Shabab to retain its own relevance. And it’s going to remain the case as long as Obama leans on special operators and the CIA to prosecute his Shadow Wars, which pursue terrorists indefinitely even while Obama draws down the large land wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. When looking at where counterterrorism goes next, it helps to squint at the obscured places on Olson’s map.

Photos: David Axe, NASA”

 

(Quelle: Wired.com)

EU: Militarisierte Flüchtlingsabwehr

Dienstag, Januar 17th, 2012

“EU will mehr Drohnen gegen Migranten einsetzen

Bislang militärisch genutzte Drohnen sollen verstärkt im polizeilichen Bereich eingesetzt werden. Den Anfang macht die EU-Agentur Frontex

Von Matthias Monroy, 17.01.2012

Die EU-Grenzschutzagentur Frontex hat in der griechischen Hafenstadt Aktio eine dreitägige Luftfahrtschau [1] abgehalten, um Drohnen verschiedener Hersteller zu testen. Die Agentur will die “Unmanned Air Vehicles” (UAV) zur Flüchtlingsabwehr einsetzen. Damit sollen vor allem Migranten im Mittelmeer aufgespürt werden (Militarisierung des Mittelmeers [2]).

In Griechenland wurden unbemannte Flugzeuge der sogenannte “Medium Altitude Long Endurance” (MALE) gezeigt, die maximal zehn Kilometer hoch fliegen können. Ausdrücklich erwünscht waren aber auch kleinere Drohnen, sofern sie über eine längere Flugzeit verfügen. Ein Testparcours lieferte “Informationen”, über arrangierte “Zwischenfälle”, die von den Geräten aufgespürt und in Echtzeit übermittelt werden sollten.

Zur Vorbereitung der Flugschau hatte Frontex bereits im März einen “organisatorischen Workshop” abgehalten. Laut der Rüstungsfirma Thales waren die teilnehmenden Hersteller dominiert aus den USA und Israel.

Frontex hofiert “Endnutzer” und “Entscheidungsträger”

Für die Veranstaltung mit dem Namen “UAV Workshop and Demo 2011″ veröffentlichte Frontex zuvor eine Ausschreibung [3] für Hersteller und Verkäufer der Geräte. Der Workshop soll beim Aufbau des Grenzüberwachungsnetzwerks EUROSUR helfen, das unter Einsatz neuer Überwachungstechnologien ab 2014 die Grenzbehörden von zunächst sieben EU-Mitgliedstaaten untereinander vernetzt Milliarden zur “Abschreckung illegaler Einwanderer” [4].

Die Nutzung von Drohnen spielt in EUROSUR eine bedeutende Rolle. Die UAV sollen dort mit anderen Systemen wie satellitengestützte Aufklärung, Radar oder Luftraumüberwachung in eine gemeinsamen Plattform [5] integriert werden. Laut Frontex [6] gehören die Drohnen zum “Border Surveillance programme”, das zudem die Anwendung von “Data mining” zur automatisierten Verarbeitung der Informationen beforscht.

Eine derartige Vorführung hatte Frontex bereits 2010 in Finnland abgehalten, damals allerdings mit kleineren “Mini-UAV”. Zudem lag der damalige Fokus auf Landgrenzen. Die Frontex-Workshops richten sich vor allem an Mitglieder von Grenztruppen der Mitgliedstaaten sowie andere “key stakeholders”. Damit will die Agentur sowohl “Endnutzer” als auch “Entscheidungsträger” zur stärkeren Verwendung der bislang nur militärisch genutzten Langstreckendrohnen drängen.

Drohne Fulmar. Bild: Txema1/public domain

Drohne Fulmar. Bild: Txema1/public domain

Der Rüstungskonzern Thales hatte nach Griechenland das System “Fulmar” mitgebracht, das von der spanischen Firma Aérovison gefertigt wird. “Fulmar” wird von einem fahrbaren Katapult gestartet. In einem Werbefilm [7] wird dessen ausdrückliche Verwendung zum Fangen von Migranten vorgeführt.

Thales bewirbt die 19 Kilo schwere “Fulmar” als “vollkommen spanisches Projekt”, das Bilder und Videos in Echtzeit liefert. Sie fliegt bis zu 3.000 Meter hoch und rund 150 Kilometer pro Stunde. Nach acht Stunden bzw. 800 Kilometern muss die Drohne gelandet werden. Hierfür muss das Gerät in einen Netz gesteuert werden, das mobil ist und innerhalb von 15 Sekunden aufgebaut werden kann.

Undurchsichtiges Netzwerk aus Herstellern, Verkäufern und Lobbygruppen

Seit kurzem verkauft der Konzern UAV, die im Wasser landen können. Nicht zuletzt deshalb dürfte Thales den Zuschlag zur Teilnahme am kürzlich beendeten EU-Forschungsprojekt “Wide Maritime Area Surveillance” (WIMAAS) bekommen [8] haben, das von dem Konzern angeführt wurde. Mit an Bord war die spanische Guardia Civil, die italienische Guarda Di Finanza, die französische Marine und die schwedische Küstenwache. “Fulmar”-Drohnen fliegen bereits in Malaysia [9], wo sie in der Straße von Malakka zwischen dem Südchinesischen Meer und der Javasee zur Flüchtlingsabwehr operieren.

WIMAAS-Konzept. Bild: WIMAAS/EU

WIMAAS-Konzept. Bild: WIMAAS/EU

Bereits jetzt suchen schweizerische Behörden mit militärischem unbemannten Gerät nach unerwünschten Flüchtlingen. Großbritannien will größere UAVs bei der diesjährigen Olympiade einsetzen [10]. Neun sogenannte “Predator”-Drohnen mit einem Stückpreis von jeweils 18 Millionen US-Dollar patrouillieren bereits an US-Grenzen. Nur etwa zwei Prozent aller von der Grenzpolizei Verhafteten an den Grenzen werden allerdings durch den Einsatz der auch in Irak und Afghanistan eingesetzten Drohnen aufgespürt [11]. Das US-Militär setzt in seiner neuen “Drohnenstrategie” verstärkt auf “Helidrohnen” [12], die senkrecht starten können. Damit könnten sie auch in urbanem Territorium operieren und wären somit für Polizeien interessant.

Zur Befriedigung des milliardenschweren Markts für militärisch und polizeilich genutzte Drohnen ist ein undurchsichtiges Netzwerk aus Herstellern und Lobbyvereinigungen [13] entstanden. UAVs sind Thema mehrerer Workshops auf der Verkaufsmesse International Urban Operations Conference [14], die in zwei Wochen am Berliner S-Bahnhof Friedrichstraße abgehalten wird. Die Veranstaltung wurde letztes Jahr noch als “Urban Warfare Conference” beworben [15] und offensichtlich aus Imagegründen umbenannt.

Mittelstreckendrohnen werden in Deutschland bislang nur vom Militär genutzt. Die Armee betreibt [16] die Geräte vom Flugplatz aus dem bayerischen Manching. Gewartet werden sie in Füssen [17]. Zur Integration von Drohnen in den deutschen Luftraum soll nun das Luftverkehrsgesetz geändert werden. Ab einem Abfluggewicht von über 150 Kilogramm bleibt für deren Erlaubnis aber die Europäische Agentur für Flugsicherheit mit Sitz in Köln zuständig.

Die leichten Drohnen von Thales wären somit gut geeignet, nach in Deutschland auch für polizeiliche Belange eingesetzt zu werden: Die “Fulmar” könnte in einem Rutsch unbemerkt von der Nordsee bis zum Bodensee fliegen oder über acht Stunden gestochen scharfe Bilder vom Castor-Protest und einem Polizeieinsatz anlässlich eines Länderspiels liefern.”

Links

[1] http://www.thalesgroup.com/Press_Releases/Countries/Spain/2012/Thales_and_Aerovisi
%C3%B3n_present_FRONTEX_with_an_unmanned_aerial_vehicle_for_border_control/

[2] http://www.heise.de/tp/artikel/34/34515/1.html

[3] http://www.frontex.europa.eu/newsroom/news_releases/art101.html

[4] http://www.heise.de/tp/artikel/34/34932/1.html

[5] http://linksunten.indymedia.org/de/node/48941

[6] http://www.frontex.europa.eu/_odl_research_and_development/

[7] http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bnFJDUgfsPE

[8] http://www.aerovision-uav.com/newsDetail.php?new=155],

[9] http://defense-studies.blogspot.com/2010/03/maiden-flight-for-micro-aircraft.html

[10] http://www.deutsche-mittelstands-nachrichten.de/2012/01/35054/

[11] http://gantdaily.com/2011/12/29/border-law-enforcement-uses-more-military-equipment/

[12] http://fm4.orf.at/stories/1692931/

[13] http://fiff.de/publikationen/fiff-kommunikation/fk-2011/fk-4-2011/fk-4-2011-s30

[14] http://www.urban-operations-conference.com/

[15] http://www.strategie-technik.de/12_10/ind.pdf

[16] http://www.flugrevue.de/de/militaer/uav/euro-hawk-landet-in-manching.58984.htm

[17] http://www.all-in.de/nachrichten/allgaeu/fuessen/Fuessen-neubau-ausbildung-bauwerk-Drohnenhalle-in-Fuessen-fuer-Wartung-und-Ausbildung-gestern-uebergeben;art2761,1073931

 

(Quelle: Telepolis.)

Iran / BRD: Germans to the front?

Montag, Januar 9th, 2012

“Ende im Gemetzel

BERLIN (Eigener Bericht) – Deutsche Politikberater verlangen einen Schulterschluss des Westens zugunsten möglicher Militärschläge gegen Iran. Der Versuch, im sogenannten Nuklearkonflikt mit Teheran “diplomatische Lösungen zu fördern”, gehe “schon lange an den Realitäten vorbei”, behauptet ein aktueller Beitrag in der Zeitschrift Internationale Politik, dem einflussreichsten Medium des außenpolitischen Establishments in der Bundesrepublik. Die “iranische Bedrohung” entziehe sich der Logik traditioneller Politik; sie ähnele “klassischen griechischen Tragödien”, die “in der Regel in einem Gemetzel” endeten. Berlin dürfe sich Militärschlägen nicht verweigern und müsse die Bevölkerung auf mögliche Folgen, etwa Attentate gegen Ziele in Europa oder höhere Benzinpreise, vorbereiten. Die Forderungen richten sich ausdrücklich gegen eine zweite Fraktion der Berliner Außenpolitik, die den deutschen Interessen mit kooperativen Einflussmitteln (“Wandel durch Annäherung”) besser zu dienen meint. Ihr sind expansionsinteressierte Wirtschaftskreise zuzurechnen, die auf Geschäfte mit Iran nicht verzichten wollen. Während die für Militärschläge offene Fraktion publizistisch in die Offensive geht, nehmen die Spannungen am Persischen Golf dramatisch zu (…).”

Weiterlesen…

 

(Quelle: German-Foreign-Policy.com)

Siehe auch:

Manipulierte Wirklichkeiten
Was wissen wir noch vom Weltgeschehen?

USA: Es wird einsam um Obama

Samstag, Januar 7th, 2012

“Terry Carrico, Ex-Guantanamo Prison Commander, Says Facility Should Close

by Aram Roston
Jan 6, 2012 4:45 AM EST

A decade after the prison camp opened, its first warden speaks out against U.S. detention policies in the war on terror and tells Aram Roston the facility should be closed.

Ten years ago, Army Colonel Terry Carrico watched a C-141 land at Guantanamo Bay Naval Station in Cuba. He had planned for the moment carefully, and he knew very well what the cargo was: 20 detainees sent from Afghanistan. Carrico was the first camp commander of what would become the world’s most famous terrorism prison, and this was its opening day.

He had choreographed, with machinelike precision, how his soldiers would take custody of the shackled, blindfolded detainees as they were led onto the tarmac from the cavernous plane. With 23 years of service as a military police officer, he didn’t let any emotion register in his face that day as he watched, but he was surprised at the appearance of the prisoners.

They were scrawny and malnourished to an alarming degree, hardly appearing like the crazed fanatics that Gen. Richard Myers, then the chairman of the joint chiefs of staff, described that day back at a Pentagon press conference. “These are people,” the general said, invoking an alarming image, “that would gnaw through hydraulic lines in the back of a C-17 to bring it down, I mean.”

Carrico recalls that the detainees were actually compliant and docile that first day.

Now a corporate executive in Georgia, he considers the debate that is still raging over U.S. detention policy from a unique perspective, and he has reached conclusions that run counter to the prevailing political trends in Washington. The retired colonel says Guantanamo “should be closed,” though he believes it never will be. He says “very few” of the men held there had valuable intelligence, at least while he ran the camp.

Carrico also says plainly that he believes it is wrong to keep people indefinitely without trial based on secret evidence. He argues that people captured in the war on terror should be arrested and tried in courts of law, not locked up at places like Guantanamo. “It goes against the way I was trained and what I believe,” he tells The Daily Beast, “to hold someone indefinitely with lack of evidence or proof.”

“Due process of law, all the things that we stand for as a country, and being a country of laws, it doesn’t sit well with me that we are going to continue to keep people in Guantanamo,” he said.

Carrico has the unusual credentials for someone making these points, for he was essentially the facility’s first warden.

It was in the final days of December 2001 that then defense secretary Donald Rumsfeld publicly announced that the U.S. military enclave in Cuba was the “least worst place” for a detention facility. The war in Afghanistan was underway, Kabul had fallen to U.S.-led forces, and captured prisoners were beginning to fill a makeshift site in Kandahar in the cold winter.

Carrico got his assignment late in December and landed at Guantanamo 72 hours later. He was shown some outdoor chain-link pens, overgrown by tropical weeds. “They were basically outdoor cages,” Carrico said, “It’s what you would normally find in a veterinarian’s facilities to hold animals.”

He took charge of the effort and worked fast: they were told to expect as many as 300 prisoners.

It was Jan. 11, 2002, less than two weeks after he got to Guantanamo that the first shipment arrived. Remember, this was before the Bush administration had announced that the Geneva Conventions did not apply to these detainees.

It was a different time: The U.S. had not yet adopted controversial secret interrogation rules, or techniques like waterboarding, sleep deprivation, stress positions to induce pain, forced nakedness, and other practices that created discomfort.

Still, Guantanamo was a harsh place even in those early days. Within weeks, as more and more detainees arrived on the flights from Afghanistan, Carrico wondered whether they were really capturing the worst of the worst. The detainees included an obviously mentally disturbed prisoner who was quickly dubbed “Crazy Bob.”

The heads and faces of the detainees, even the elderly ones, had been shaved in Afghanistan before their flight-a final insult to all of them on their departure. The guards back in Kandahar had done it.

Carrico said few seemed like they had valuable intelligence about terrorism. He said in the first few weeks, Rumsfeld arrived, and Carrico walked with him through the chain-link fences, passing the prisoners in orange.

“‘I toured Camp X-ray with him and he said, `Colonel, what do you think we have here?’ and I said, `I think we have a bunch of soldiers there that were being paid.’ And I questioned their intelligence value.”

Rumsfeld’s response, Carrico said, was, ” `You know, Colonel, I think you are right.’ ”

Carrico was convinced that Rumsfeld agreed with him. “His impression was that they were not of any great intelligence value,” Carrico told The Daily Beast.

Earlier this year, researchers from the Seton Hall Law School Center for Policy and Research uncovered a 2003 memo from Rumsfeld, which indicated he knew that detainees at Guantanamo had little valuable information. “We need to stop populating Guantanamo Bay (GTMO) with low-level enemy combatants,” Rumsfeld wrote back then.

“Due process of law, all the things that we stand for as a country … It doesn’t sit well with me that we are going to continue to keep people in Guantanamo.” Rumsfeld’s office said he could not be reached for comment on this story.

Back in 2002, even Carrico himself insisted to reporters that the detainees were a deadly threat. “They are dangerous people,” he said in one interview back then. “Some of these people are directly related or responsible for 9/11.”

Now he explains, “at the time, we didn’t really know who we were receiving in detail.” He said he assumed everyone who was sent there must have been linked to the war on terrorism. “I made the statement,” he acknowledges. “I guess at the time I didn’t give it a second thought that they were not tied to 9/11 directly.”

The alleged masterminds of the 9/11 attacks, like Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, weren’t transferred to Guantanamo until 2006, five years after the prison opened. They were sent from CIA custody, and they are still housed separately from the other detainees.

Carrico’s job wasn’t to interrogate, it was solely to make sure the detainees were housed, fed, and secured properly. When it came to interrogations, he says, the general who ran the intelligence operations tried to ban military police officers from the rooms.

Carrico says he wouldn’t let that happen, insisting that his MPs always accompany the detainees when they were interrogated. “My MPs were going to ensure that detainees were not assaulted or mistreated in interrogation,” he says.

In February 2002, President Bush famously issued an order announcing that prisoners were not entitled to protections under the Geneva Conventions, although he said they would be treated in a matter “consistent” with the conventions.

Carrico, who had been trained to run prisoner-of-war camps, says the president’s declaration didn’t affect him. “My training was founded in the Geneva Conventions and fair and humane treatment.”

But Carrico left Guantanamo in May 2002, and later that year the facility launched new procedures, where interrogation tactics and inmate treatment became increasingly coercive and unpredictable. By October 2002, Rumsfeld had signed a document authorizing aggressive interrogation techniques that included sleep deprivation, forced standing, the use of hot or cold temperatures, and other approaches. Guantanamo’s practices were later copied in Iraq and Afghanistan, investigations have found.

“If we did treatment that was in violation of the Geneva Convention,” Carrico says, “then I disagree with it.”

Since 2002, of course, the facility has undergone various phases and transformations. President Obama came to office vowing to close it down, and though that is still his administration’s policy, not a single detainee has been transferred out of Guantanamo since January
2011.

Some 171 men are still being held. Defense lawyers and former detainees say conditions have improved dramatically, but the legal status of the inmates is just as murky as ever. Dozens have been approved for release off the island but are still held there. Still others, the Obama administration says, will be tried by military commissions.

And 48 are in yet another category: they have been ruled to be too dangerous to release and yet impossible to ever prosecute in either military or civilian courts, according to a government task force.

Carrico says he thinks Guantanamo should be shut down. “I think it should be closed because it served its purpose,” he argues. Those captured in the future should be tried in court, he argues. Still, he doubts the facility will ever close, given the political realities. Indeed, Congress just passed a defense authorization act, which President Obama signed, requiring military custody for terrorism suspects.”

 

(Quelle: The Daily Beast.)