Posts Tagged ‘Vergewaltigung’

UN: Frauenrechte in bewaffenten Konflikten

Dienstag, April 9th, 2013

“Die Rechte von Frauen im bewaffneten Konflikt nach der 57. Sitzung der UNO-Frauenstatuskonferenz

Am 17. März 2013 ging die 57. jährliche Sitzung der UNO-Frauenstatuskonferenz zu Ende. Während das Abschlussdokument allgemein als große Errungenschaft in Bezug auf Frauenrechte gefeiert wurde, enthält es nach genauerer Analyse nur wenig Neues in Bezug auf die Rechte von Frauen in bewaffneten Konflikten.

Von Rieke Arendt, LL.M. (Cantab)

Am 23.03.2013 ging die 57. Sitzung der UNO-Frauenstatuskonferenz zu Ende. Entgegen aller Erwartungen kam es in letzter Minute doch noch zu der Verabschiedung eines Abschlusspapiers. Dies war bis zum Schluss unsicher geblieben, da verschiedene Staaten wie der Vatikan, islamische Länder wie Iran, Saudi- Arabien, Katar, Libyen, Nigeria und Sudan, aber auch Russland versuchten, ein Abschlusspapier zu blockieren. Kritikpunkt der islamischen Länder war vor allem die Formulierung, dass Frauenrechte nicht durch Sitten, Traditionen oder religiöse Ansichten relativiert werden könnten (Punkt 14 des Abschlusspapiers). Außerdem kritisiert wurde der (indirekte) Verweis darauf, dass Vergewaltigung auch das gewaltsame Vorgehen eines Mannes gegen seine Ehefrau oder Lebensgefährtin miteinschließe (Punkt ggg). Kritikpunkt für den Vatikan war vor allem der Verweis auf das Recht auf Schwangerschaftsabbrüche und des unbeschränkten Zugangs zu Notfallverhütungsmitteln (Punkt iii). Im Gegenzug für die Zustimmung dieser Länder gaben die nordischen Länder, wie z. B. Schweden, weitergehende Forderungen auf eine Implementierung der Rechte Homosexueller, Transsexueller und Sexarbeiter, sowie des Rechts auf sexuelle Gesundheit auf.

Da die Konferenz im Jahr zuvor wegen des Dissenses der teilnehmenden Staaten ohne Abschlusspapier beendet werden musste, ist der diesjährige Verlauf als großer Erfolg zu werten. Allerdings entfaltet das Abschlusspapier keine rechtlich verbindliche Wirkung, sondern gibt lediglich einen gewissen Erwartungshorizont vor, an Hand dessen die im Anschluss von den einzelnen Staaten ergriffenen Maßnahmen gemessen werden können.

In Bezug auf den Schutz und die Rechte von Frauen im Zusammenhang mit bewaffneten Konflikten enthält das Dokument wenig Neues. Punkt 4 des Abschlussdokuments erinnert an die Regeln des humanitären Völkerrechts im Allgemeinen und die Genfer Konventionen von 1949, sowie die beiden Genfer Zusatzprotokolle von 1977 im Besonderen. Punkt 5 der Abschlusserklärung bezieht sich auf die Aufnahme von frauenspezifischer Gewalt im Rom-Statut (Vergewaltigung, sexuelle Sklaverei, Nötigung zur Prostitution, erzwungene Schwangerschaft, Zwangssterilisation und vergleichbare Formen sexueller Gewalt als Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit gem. Art. 7 (1) (g) sowie als Kriegsverbrechen im internationalen bewaffneten Konflikt gem. Art. 8 (2) (b) (xxii) und im nicht-internationalen bewaffneten Konflikt gem. Art. 8 (2) (e) (vi)) und in den Statuten der ad hoc Gerichtshöfe (Vergewaltigung als Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit gem. Art. 5 (g) JStGH und Art. 3 (g) RStGH und Vergewaltigung, Nötigung zur Prostitution und unzüchtige Handlungen jeder Art als Verstoß gegen den gemeinsamen Artikel 3 der GA gem. Art. 4 (e) RStGH). Darüber hinaus fordert das Abschlusspapier die unterzeichnenden Staaten in Punkt 13 dazu auf, Gewalt gegen Frauen und Mädchen im bewaffneten Konflikt sowie in Post-Konfliktsituationen aktiver zu bekämpfen sowie effektivere Maßnahmen zur Identifizierung und Bestrafung der Täter, Entschädigung der Opfer und einen besseren Zugang zu Rechtsmitteln für die weiblichen Opfer zu schaffen. Außerdem wird betont, dass der illegale Handel mit und Gebrauch von Klein- und Leichtwaffen indirekt die Gewalt gegen Frauen und Mädchen verstärke (Punkt 26). Die Frauenstatuskonferenz hat damit das grundlegende Problem der Gewalt gegen Frauen und Mädchen im bewaffneten Konflikt angesprochen: es mangelt nicht so sehr an Vorschriften, die Gewalt verbieten, als an effektiven Präventionsmechanismen und Rechtsmitteln. Leider konnte das Dokument in diesem Punkt nicht verbindlicher werden.

Quellen:
http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/csw/csw57/CSW57_a_greed_
conclusions_advance_unedited_version_18_March_2013.pdf

http://www.sueddeutsche.de/politik/un-konferenz-gewalt-gegen-frauen-muss-ein-ende-haben-1.1626105

Nachfragen:
rieke.arendt@cantab.net

 

(Quelle: Institut für Friedenssicherungsrecht und Humanitäres Völkerrecht der Ruhr-Universität Bochum.)

Indonesien: Frauenprotest gegen sexistisches Gefasel

Samstag, Oktober 8th, 2011

“Indonesian feminists: “Don’t blame the victim!”

By Vivi Widyawati and Zely Ariane

Around 100 women and men took part in a rally, Miniskirt Protest — Women against Rape, at the Bundaran Hotel Indonesia in Thamrin, Jakarta, on Sunday, September 18. Dozens of women, including several activists from Perempuan Mahardhika (Free Women), wore miniskirts, as a statement that rape has nothing to do with the way women dress.

The demonstration was a protest against the words of Jakarta Governor Fauzi Bowo (nicknamed Foke) regarding a young female student, Livia, who was raped and killed on public transport. He said: “Imagine if someone sits on board a mikrolet (minivan) wearing a miniskirt; you would get a bit turned on”. Women, he said, “must adjust to their environment so that they don’t provoke people into committing unwanted acts”.


Vivi Widyawati leading chants, September 18.

A call for action by dozens of activists under the banner of Women’s Alliance against Rape was able to gather women from various backgrounds for the demonstration. The protesters shouted and chanted, brandishing posters with slogans such as “Don’t tell us how to dress, but tell them not to rape” and “My miniskirt, my right, Foke you”, "My miniskirt is not wrong, but your mind is”.

The alliance issued a statement saying, among other things; “Rape is a sexual attack on a citizen, a woman. Rape is never wanted by any woman, no matter the socioeconomic background. Victims of rape need solidarity from the whole of society as well as physical aid and care. The statements of incapable public servants have been providing no support, but rather humiliating and dumping the burden on the victims.”

In addition, they demanded that law enforcement protect the victims and that officials take all cases of rape seriously. Local governments should ensure the safety of public transportation and public space and improve the transportation system in the capital.

National Commission response

Three cases of rape on public transport had been reported during a single week before the protest. The National Commission on Violence against Woman (KOMNASPER) has recorded 3753 rapes in 2011, while the Jakarta police have received 41 complaints so far, compared to 40 for all of 2010. KOMNASPER has also received 105,103 complaints of violence against women. In response to the protest, the commission on September 23 outlined recommendations that ranged from improving security for women on public transportation to harsher punishment for sexual assault under the Criminal Code.

The head of the public participation section at the commission, Andy Yentriyani, said the legal system did not provide sufficient protection for women against sexual assault. The law “is insufficient, because sexual assault is categorised as social misconduct”, she said. "In one clause, [the penalty] can be 12 years. In another, it can be two years, eight months. For children, it is classified only as abuse, which reduces the seriousness."


It is men’s behavior and misogynist culture that is the problem.

Sexual assault is not a specific crime under Indonesian law, and is treated only as an "unpleasant act", with an accordingly mild law enforcement response. KOMNASPER hopes its initiative will help fix this with new legislation.

KOMNASPER’s data show that from 1998 to 2010, a quarter of the total of 295,836 cases of violence against women involved sexual assault. These are only the reported cases; many more are probably left unreported. Every day, 28 women are sexually assaulted in Indonesia, the agency said. “The solution is not to allocate special women-only spaces, such as on trains — which has been done already — because there is no guarantee that segregation will prevent assaults", Andy said.

She also voiced concern that if a woman was assaulted while travelling in a mixed space, she could be accused of looking for trouble. “It also feeds into the idea that men can’t control themselves”, she said. “That assumption is just as bad as the assumption that women’s actions or dress are the cause of violence against them.”

Class and gender

Fauzi Bowo’s statement followed similar remarks by other public officials in different parts of the country, including one by a local administrative head in West Aceh who stated that women who did not dress according to religious norms could only blame themselves if they were raped. These statements sparked outrage among activists because they are nothing but misogynist accusations against the victims and a form of verbal violence against women. They are the product of a way of thinking rooted in patriarchy.

In Atas Nama (On Behalf Of), a documentary movie made by KOMNASPER, one woman from Aceh — wearing a scarf herself — put it well: “In general I don’t think any woman likes to be told how to dress”. This is the basic idea of the miniskirt protest: women have the right to their own body, to express themselves and feel good, free from prejudice, stereotyping, discrimination and violence. This is a foundation of women’s liberation.


Don’t blame the victim.

Several far left activists (mostly men) in Jakarta felt uneasy with the statement or the form of the protest, which they considered to be advocating the wearing of miniskirts. Objections were made that the protest “too liberal”, “had insufficient class content” and might provoke “antipathy from the majority of women who are still conservative — the ones feminist activists should try to reach”. Some even went as far as suggesting that the choice was “class struggle or sex struggle”. Still, these comments were better than the major parts of the far left that didn’t say anything at all. The campaign was supported by only a handful of male left activists.

This lack of attention is not very surprising since there have been very few left movements and organisations that take up issues of sexuality and gender. Most of the left groups in Indonesia subordinate the issue of women’s oppression to so-called class issues, which are defined as the purely economic side of class oppression, such as wages and poverty. That is why, so far, they are still unfamiliar with issues such as a woman’s right to her body, sexuality, sexual orientation and so forth. Our experience building the socialist-feminist women’s group Perempuan Mahardhika confirms this view.

We should fight against class oppression, patriarchy and sexism, since in class-based societies patriarchy and sexism play an important role in the reproduction of the social system. There will be no socialism without women’s liberation, and there is no true class consciousness without considering and understanding the very complex nature of patriarchy and sexuality and their relation to class. If the September 18 protest was considered as merely liberal, that would mean we have even more responsibility to intervene in the campaign so that its demands will not be ends in themselves — not merely the freedom of each individual but rather the freedom of each individual as the foundation for the freedom of all.

The fact that many Indonesian women, religious or not, agree with the demands and slogans of the protest, particularly on the fact that rape has nothing to do with dress, is encouraging amidst difficult and worsening political circumstances, including 154 sharia laws and a growing intolerance fuelled by several reactionary religious groups.

We are happy to have taken part in this campaign — and also happy to wear miniskirts, because most of the time we are defensive and forget to challenge the minds of men.

[The writers are members of the national committee of Perempuan Mahardhika (Free Women) and members of People’s Liberation Party, Indonesia.]”

 

(Quelle: Direct Action.)

USA: Vergewaltigungen im US-Militär – Opfer wehren sich

Donnerstag, Mai 19th, 2011

“Military Rape: Rampant, Ignored

A lawsuit against Robert Gates and Donald Rumsfeld and new legislation try to stop an epidemic

By NAN LEVINSON

Veterans Kori Cioca, 25, of Wilmington, Ohio, left, and Panayiota Bertzikis, 29, of Somerville, Mass., both assaulted and raped while serving in the U.S. Coast Guard, meet at their attorney's office in Washington, Sunday, Feb. 13, 2011. (Photo via: AP / Cliff Owen)

When Panayiota Bertzikis tried to tell her commanding officers that she had been raped in May 2006 by a shipmate four months into her tour at the Burlington, Vt., Coast Guard Station, they discouraged her from talking to an Equal Opportunity officer, barred her from seeing a civilian therapist, ignored a written confession from her attacker and browbeat her into silence.

But thanks to victims-turned-activists like Bertzikis who are pulling military sexual trauma (MST) out from the shadows, it’s become harder for the U.S. military to ignore the problem. In February, Bertzikis, along with 14 other women and two men, filed a lawsuit (Cioca et al. v. Rumsfeld and Gates) charging Defense Secretary Robert Gates and his predecessor, Donald Rumsfeld, with mishandling their sexual assault cases.

MST is an epidemic. Nearly a quarter of women serving in combat areas say they have been sexually assaulted by fellow soldiers. But everyone agrees that reliable statistics don’t exist. The Pentagon, which recorded 3,158 cases of sexual assault in 2010, estimates that only about 14 percent of all incidents are reported.

Back in 2006, when Bertzikis went online after her rape to look for help, she found almost no information. But when she blogged about her experience, stories similar to hers poured in. In response, Bertzikis—who left the Coast Guard in 2007 and is now 29—set up the Military Rape Crisis Center in Cambridge, Mass. She estimates the organization has provided 6,200 people with counseling, legal advocacy and case management—along with the assurance that they are not alone.

Susan Burke, the attorney in Washington, D.C., who initiated the lawsuit, says, “The military is woefully mishandling these cases all the time.” Intending to file what she calls “a reform lawsuit,” she sought plaintiffs through advocacy groups, including the Crisis Center.

Their allegations are not easy reading. The plaintiffs report being spat on, grabbed at, masturbated over, stripped, drugged, stalked, beaten and raped. One rapist took photos; another videotaped the event. (That tape was later used as evidence against the victim because, she was told, it showed that she “did not struggle enough.”) When victims’ reported the abuse, their commanders ignored them, insisted the sex was consensual or a result of drinking, and ordered them not to pursue action because it would ruin their attacker’s career. In a world where rank is everything, those raped were generally low-level, while their rapists were often their superiors. The plaintiffs report being forced to continue working under their attackers’ supervision or to live nearby.

By the Pentagon’s reckoning, fewer than 21 percent of reported cases make it to court martial and only a little over half of those result in convictions. In the ultimate insult, as a result of their trauma, many MST victims are deemed unfit to serve and were kicked out of the military. “Every case I get,” says Bertzikis, “they blame the victim, the perpetrator never gets punished and the survivor is the one who ends up losing her career.

Because the military investigates itself, there is little incentive to deal with a problem that makes everyone look bad. In civilian life, of course, most rapes also go unreported and most assailants don’t spend time in prison. But because enlistees cannot just walk away, the aftermath of an unpunished assault in the military can often be more traumatic for victims. Commanders have control over an enlistee’s career, living situation, safety, medical care and community standing. When a rape survivor is forced to confront her attacker daily, Bertzikis says, “The only options out are going AWOL or suicide.”

It may not be possible for civilians to change military culture, but they can create oversight and accountability. In April, a pair of legislators re-introduced a bill to do just that. The Defense STRONG Act, co-sponsored by Reps. Niki Tsongas (D-Mass.) and Mike Turner (R-Ohio), would guarantee access to a military lawyer, allow victims to transfer from where the assault happened, ensure confidentiality of communication with advocates and counselors, give teeth to the Pentagon’s Sexual Assault Prevention and Response Office and institute effective rape prevention training, which now seems to focus on telling service women how to avoid getting raped. The Holley Lynn James Act, written by Rep. Bruce Braley (D-Iowa) with the help of SWAN, would go further by creating a system of independent oversight; MST cases would go to military court automatically.

The bills’ prospects remain uncertain, but the lawsuit, along with some horrific high-profile cases, has focused attention on pervasive sexual trauma in the U.S. military. “There’s a groundswell,” says Anu Bhagwati, executive director of the advocacy group Service Women’s Action Network and a former Marine captain. “The epidemic is widely known, so Congress can’t afford to ignore it any longer.”


Nan Levinson, a Boston-based journalist, is author of Outspoken: Free Speech Stories. Her next book, War Is Not a Game, is about the new GI resistance movement. She blogs at www.moreoutspoken.blogspot.com.”

 

(Quelle: In These Times.)

Haiti: Sexuelle Gewalt gegen Frauen und Mädchen

Montag, Juni 7th, 2010

“Sexuelle Übergriffe gegen Frauen und Mädchen in Notlagern

Pascaline* ist 21 Jahre alt. Seit dem Erdbeben lebt sie in einem improvisierten Notlager in der Stadt Puerto Prinzipe. Es ist eines von 1.300 Lagern, in denen insgesamt mehr als eine Million Menschen um ihr Überleben kämpfen. Pascaline war allein in ihrem Zelt, als ein Mann hineinkam, sie schlug und vergewaltigte. Kein Nachbar schritt ein. Sie hätten gedacht, sie wäre mit ihrem Partner zugange, sagten diese später.

Nach dem Übergriff wurde Pascaline medizinisch versorgt und erstattete Anzeige bei der Polizei. Doch der Vorfall wurde nicht genau untersucht und deshalb befindet sich der Verantwortliche weiterhin in Freiheit. Pascaline hat ihn seit den Vorfällen schon mehrmals im Lager gesehen. Sie hat Angst, dass er sie umbringen wird, wenn er von ihrer Anzeige bei der Polizei erfährt. Pascaline ist nicht die einzige Frau in solch einer schrecklichen Situation. Amnesty International hat mehrere Fälle von sexueller Gewalt in den Notunterkünften dokumentiert, in denen die durch das Erdbeben obdachlos gewordenen leben.
Auch Celine* (8) war allein im Zelt, als ein Mann sie vergewaltigte. Ihre Mutter war zum Arbeiten aufs Feld gegangen. Während dieser Zeit gab es niemanden, der auf die Kleine achtgab. Fabienne* (15) wurde vergewaltigt, als sie das Zeltlager verließ, um ihre Notdurft zu verrichten. Es gibt keine Latrinen oder Toiletten innerhalb des Lagers. Ihre Mutter zeigte den Vorfall bei einem Angestellten der lokalen Behörde an. Die Mutter erhielt keinerlei Unterstützung von ihm. Keine Informationen. Keine Ratschläge. Carline* (21) wurde von drei Männern vergewaltigt, als sie in einer abgelegenen Ecke des Lagers ihre Notdurft verrichten wollte, weil die Latrinen zu verdreckt waren.

Es gibt noch viele weitere Fälle von sexueller Gewalt gegen haitianische Frauen und Mädchen, die nicht angezeigt werden. Die Opfer sind zu verängstigt, um gegenüber der Polizei Anzeige zu erstatten, weil die Täter im selben Lager oder in der Nähe leben und die Opfer aufgrund ihrer Notlage keinen anderen Ort haben, wo sie hingehen könnten.

* Alle Namen geändert

Quelle: adital

(Quelle: Blickpunkt Lateinamerika.)